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Dependency Poverty is not common in old age, but it is far from rare, especially among nonwhite old people. In 1973, about one out of seven (14.4 percent) old whites were below the low-income level used to define poverty, while more than one-third (35.5 percent) of old nonwhites were poor. お願いします。
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依存 貧困は老年期によくあることではありません、しかし、特に白人ではない高齢者の間では、それは決して珍しくはありません。1973年に、およそ7人に1人（14.4パーセント）の白人高齢者が、貧困を定義するのに用いられる低収入のレベル以下にありました、一方、3分の1以上（35.5パーセント）の白人ではない高齢者が貧困状態にありました。
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Economic dependency can be generated by other kinds of dependency that appear in old age, including physical and mental dependency. Physical dependency results from illness or injury, which can require a nurse or house-keeper and in effect reduce the pension income usable by the old person to the poverty line. Mental dependency can result from loss of memory, orientation, or judgment, which in turn may result from physical illness or injury, especially brain disease or injury. If severe enough, the person needs a nurse or housekeeper, again reducing usable pension income. お願いします。
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Although most old people do not live in poverty, most live below standard. Given their health problems, furthermore, they live further below standard than their dollar incomes would suggest (Bengtson & Haber, 1975). Another reason to question the value of the poverty index, or any index based on number of dollars of income, is that they are not satisfactory indexes of the relative quality of life. They are based on adequacy of income without taking into consideration preretirement income (see Walther, 1975). A person whose pension income is substantially below the preretirement income must suffer a substantial reduction in standard of living without additional funds. お願いします。
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Loneliness The feeling of loneliness pervades old age, even for old persons still living with their spouses. It is especially prevalent among women and among women especially among widows (Lopata, 1975). In fact, loneliness is the major difficulty faced by widows (treas, 1975). Among the other consequences of loneliness is reduced appetite, which could result in malnutrition (Weg, 1975); but the one inevitable consequence of loneliness is reduced satisfaction with life. The quality of life cannot be satisfactory if one is ridden with loneliness, social isolation, and bitterness. お願いします。
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Physical and mental dependency are dealt with in different ways, depending on the resources available. If income is sufficient, the old person may continue to live “independently” in his or her own home. Often, however, monetary resources are too low, and the old person moves in with relatives, usually one of his or her children. If this resource is unavailable, because no child is willing or able to take in the aged and ailing parent, then the only recourse is institutionalization. Only a very small proportion of the aged population is institutionalized, however, amounting in 1970 to about 4 percent of white men, 6 percent of white women, and 3 percent of black men and women. お願いします。
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Intelligence Neugarten (1976) has summarized the known facts about aging and intelligence as follows: a. Speed of responding declines with age. One consequence is that the elderly will perform especially poorly when the test is given under speeded conditions. b. Chronological age is not a good predictor of performance. c. Old people who remain physically and mentally active perform better than those who become inactive. d. Educational level predicts performance in old age; the higher the educational attainment, the better the performance. e. Intellectual decline seems to be inversely related longevity; the less bright die younger. f. Intellectual decline is greater in old men than in old woman. お願いします。
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The average college graduate enters the work force later, at 22 to 25, and consequently works fewer total hours, but the lifetime earnings are greater than the average worker’s, totaling about $550,000 (Miernyk, 1975). College graduates are also likely to be more satisfied with their job, although in a recent survey 90 percent of all workers reported satisfaction with their job (but more whites than nonwhites were satisfied) (Troll, 1975). お願いします。
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In old age, in contrast, the usual cause of losing a spouse is death, and the death is likely to be gradual in onset. Consequently, in principle an old person should have time to prepare for the crisis of losing a spouse, who has become ill. In practice, it turns out that the warning signs are seldom heeded; after all, as pointed out earlier, we are not given the kinds of training-socialization-that would prepare us to meet normal life crises. Consequently, loss of a spouse in old age may be as psychologically sudden in onset as in early adulthood, in effect. お願いします。
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The cycle ends Other things equal, the death of an old person disturbs us less than the death of a young person, apparently because early death is considered somehow unfair (Kastenbaum, 1975; Roth, 1977). The word death refers to both an event-dying-and the result of this event. It is difficult to distinguish between clinical death and biological death. Clinical death is defined by the absence of vital sings, but after the disappearance of vital sings some biological structures continue to function for an appreciable length of time, and different structures continue to “live” for different lengths of time. Biological death varies, in other words, for different structures in the body. Brain cells are among the first to die when oxygen in the blood is depleted, either because the blood is not oxygenated (as in drowning) or because the blood is not circulated (as in heart failure). Presumably, the mind ceases to function when the brain cells die, although this presumption is challenged in some religions. お願いします。
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For many years, one of the best-established findings in developmental psychology was that intelligence declines in old age. It is now known, however, that this “finding” is partly false. The data were obtained in cross-sectional research, and apparently reflected differences between birth cohorts to a large extent, because the finding has not been entirely confirmed in research with longitudinal or sequential designs (see Chapter 6, pp, 166-168). お願いします。
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These statistics do not indicate two middle-age crises associated with occupation. One is the financial strain of supporting adolescent children, especially if they are in college or they married young and require financial assistance. The average first child first child is born when the husband is 22 or 23 years old and the last child when he is 28 or 29. Therefore, the husband will be supporting adolescent children and maybe college students as he begins middle age. お願いします。
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