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Although many French troops ran for their lives, others stood their ground and waited for the cloud to pass. Field Marshal Sir John French, Commander-in-Chief of the British Expeditionary Force, wrote, ... I wish particularly to repudiate any idea of attaching the least blame to the French Division for this unfortunate incident. After all the examples our gallant Allies have shown of dogged and tenacious courage in the many trying situations in which they have been placed throughout the course of this campaign it is quite superfluous for me to dwell on this aspect of the incident, and I would only express my firm conviction that, if any troops in the world had been able to hold their trenches in the face of such a treacherous and altogether unexpected onslaught, the French Division would have stood firm. — French The Canadian Division mounted an effective defence but had 5,975 casualties by its withdrawal on 3 May. The division was unprepared for the warfare prevailing on the Western Front, where linear tactics were ineffective against attackers armed with magazine rifles and machine guns. The Canadian field artillery had been effective but the deficiencies of the Ross rifle worsened tactical difficulties. The Canadian Division received several thousand replacements shortly after the battle. At Second Ypres, the smallest tactical unit in the infantry was a company; by 1917 it would be the section. The Canadians were employed offensively later in 1915 but not successfully. The battle was the beginning of a long period of analysis and experiment to improve the effectiveness of Canadian infantry weapons, artillery and liaison between infantry and artillery. After the war, German casualties from 21 April to 30 May were recorded as 34,933 by the official historians of the Reichsarchiv. In the British Official History, J. E. Edmonds and G. C. Wynne recorded British losses of 59,275 casualties, the French about 18,000 casualties on 22 April and another 3,973 from 26–29 April.[30] Canadian casualties from 22 April to 3 May were 5,975, of whom about 1,000 men were killed. The worst day was 24 April, when 3,058 casualties were suffered during infantry attacks, artillery bombardments and gas discharges. In 2002, Clayton wrote that thousands of men of the 45th and 87th divisions ran from the gas but that the number of casualties was low. The Germans overran both divisions' artillery but the survivors rallied and held a new line further back. In 2010, Humphries and Maker, in their translated edition of Der Weltkrieg recorded that by 9 May, there had been more than 35,000 German casualties, 59,275 British between 22 April and 31 May and very many French casualties, 18,000 on 22 April alone. In 2012, Sheldon gave similar figures and in 2014, Greenhalgh wrote that French casualties had been exaggerated by propaganda against German "frightfulness" and that in 1998, Olivier Lepick had estimated that 800–1,400 men were killed by gas in April out of 2,000–3,000 French casualties.


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>Although many French ~ British Expeditionary Force, wrote, ⇒多くのフランス軍隊が命をかけて遁走したが、他の人々はその地に定置したままガス雲が通過するのを待った。英国遠征軍の最高司令官ジョン・フレンチ元帥はこう書いている。 >... I wish particularly to repudiate ~ would have stood firm.  — French ⇒「…特に、この不幸な出来事に対する責任をフランス軍のせいにするというような考えは爪の垢ほどもないことを申しあげたいのです。この野戦の過程でわが勇敢な連合国軍が置かれた多くの試練の状況で頑強な粘り強い勇気を示した例が山ほどある中で、事件のこの側面について私が縷々述べることは極めて冗長に過ぎるので、私は唯一確固たる確信を以下のとおり表明するに留める所存です。すなわち、もしもいかなる世界の軍隊のうち、このような危険で全く予想外の猛攻撃に直面して塹壕を保持できるような軍隊があるとすれば、フランス軍師団はその最右翼に確固たる地位を占めたであろうと信じて疑いません」。  ―フレンチ ※この段落、多分に推測交じりで訳しました。誤訳の節はどうぞ悪しからず。 >The Canadian Division mounted ~ it would be the section. ⇒カナダ軍師団は効果的な防御を行ったが、5月3日に撤退したために5,975人の犠牲者が出た。この師団は、西部戦線で行われた戦争に対する備えがなかった。それというのも、弾倉付連発ライフル銃と機関銃で武装した攻撃者に対して、線形戦術は効果がなかったのである。カナダの野戦砲火は有効であったが、ロスライフル隊の不足・欠陥により戦術上の困難が悪化した。カナダ軍師団は戦闘直後に数千人の交代要員を受け入れた。「第二次イープルの戦い」では、歩兵の最小戦術部隊は中隊であった。それが1917年までには小隊になった。 >The Canadians were employed ~ from 26–29 April.[30] ⇒カナダ軍は1915年後半に攻撃兵として雇用されたが、成功しなかった。この戦いは、カナダ軍の歩兵用武器、大砲、歩兵隊と砲兵隊間の連絡の有効性を改善するための長い分析と実験の始まりであった。戦後、4月21日から5月30日までのドイツ軍の死傷者は、国防総省の公報史家によって34,933人と記録された。英国公報史では、J.E.エドモンズとG.C.ウィンが、英国で59,275人の死傷者、フランスでは4月22日に約18,000人の死傷者、4月26-29日にはさらに3,973人の死傷者を記録した。 >Canadian casualties from 22 April ~ a new line further back. ⇒4月22日から5月3日までのカナダ軍の死傷者は5,975人で、そのうち約1,000人が死亡した。最悪の日は4月24日で、歩兵攻撃、砲撃、ガス放射で3,058人の犠牲者が出た。2002年、クレイトンは、第45師団と第87師団の数千人もの兵士がガスから逃れて遁走したが、死傷者の数は少ないと書いた。ドイツ軍は両師団の砲兵隊を制圧したが、生存者らが再び集まり、後戻りしたが新たな戦線を保持した。 >In 2010, Humphries and Maker, ~ out of 2,000–3,000 French casualties. ⇒2010年、ハンフリーズとメーカーは、彼らのDer Weltkrieg(世界大戦)の翻訳版で、5月9日までのうち、4月22日から5月31日までで35,000人を超えるドイツ人、59,275人の英国人、4月22日だけで18,000人のフランス人の死傷者を記録している。2012年、シェルドンは同様の数字を示し、2014年、グリーンハルフは、フランス人の死傷者がドイツ軍「恐ろしさ・手強さ」に対する宣伝によって誇張されたと書き、1998年、オリビエ・レピックは、4月の2,000人-3,000人のフランス人負傷者のうち、800人-1,400人の死亡数を見積もった。





  • 英文を訳して下さい。

    The troops were deceived, by being told that the helmets issued to the 16th Division, had not been properly impregnated with chemical neutralisers and that 16th Division gas discipline had been unsatisfactory. New "box respirators", worn by Lewis gunners, were found to have worked well and production was expedited. On 27 April the 16th Division had lost 442 men and the 15th Division reported 107 losses. Total British casualties 27–29 April were 1,980, of whom 1,260 were gas casualties, 338 being killed. German casualties in Bavarian Infantry Regiment 5, Bavarian Reserve Infantry Regiment 5, Pioneer Regiment 36 who operated the gas cylinders and other non-infantry troops were not known in 1932, when the British Official History was published.

  • 英文を日本語訳して下さい。

    Bavarian Infantry Regiment 9 had 419 casualties, 286 from gas, of whom 163 died and there were 34 more gas casualties in the 3rd Bavarian Division, of whom four men died. A contemporary French intelligence summary recorded 1,100 casualties in the 4th Bavarian Division from 27–29 April and in October 1918, an officer of the British 15th Division found the graves of 400 German gas casualties at the cemetery at Pont-à-Vendin, from the gas discharges. In 1934, Foulkes wrote that a diary taken from a captured soldier of the 4th Bavarian Division, recorded 1,600 gas casualties in the division and in 2002, Hook and Jones recorded 1,500 casualties from the German gas which blew back on 29 April.

  • 英文翻訳をお願いします。

    At Rossignol German casualties were c. 1,318 and French casualties were c. 11,277 men. The French 4th Division had c. 1,195 casualties at Bellefontaine against c. 1,920 German casualties. At Neufchâteau the 5th Colonial Brigade had c. 3,600 casualties against units of the German XVIII Reserve Corps, which lost c. 1,800 men. At Bertrix the artillery of the 33rd Division was destroyed and c. 3,181 casualties incurred, against c. 1/3 the number of German casualties, which were noted as greater than all of the casualties in the Franco-Prussian War. At Massin-Anloy, the French 22nd Division and 34th Division lost 2,240 men killed and the 34th Division was routed. German casualties in the 25th Division were c. 3,224, of whom 1,100 men were killed. At Virton the French 8th Division was "destroyed" and the 3rd Division had c. 556 casualties; German losses were c. 1,281 men. In the fighting around Éthe and Bleid, the French 7th Division lost 5,324 men and the German 10th Division had c. 1,872 casualties. At Longwy the French V Corps with the 9th and 10th divisions had c. 2,884 casualties and German units of the 26th Division lost c. 1,242 men. South of Longwy, German casualties in the 9th and 12th Reserve and 33rd divisions were c. 4,458 men against the French 12th 40th and 42nd divisions, of which the 40th Division was routed. In 2009 Herwig recorded 19,218 casualties from 21–31 August in the 4th Army and 19,017 casualties in the 5th Army. Herwig also recorded 5,500 casualties in the French 8th Division at Virton and wrote that at Ethe, the 7th Division had been "stomped". At Ochamps the 20th Infantry Regiment lost 1,300 men (50%) and the 11th InfantRy Regiment lost 2,700 of 3,300 men. The 5th Colonial Brigade lost 3,200 of 6,600 men.

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    In May, Falkenhayn estimated that the French had lost 525,000 men against 250,000 German casualties and that the French strategic reserve had been reduced to 300,000 troops. Actual French losses were c. 130,000 by 1 May and the Noria system had enabled 42 divisions to be withdrawn and rested, when their casualties reached 50 percent. Of the 330 infantry battalions of the French metropolitan army, 259 (78 percent) went to Verdun, against 48 German divisions, 25 percent of the Westheer (western army). Afflerbach wrote that 85 French divisions fought at Verdun and that from February to August, the ratio of German to French losses was 1:1.1, not the third of French losses assumed by Falkenhayn. By 31 August, 5th Army losses were 281,000 and French casualties numbered 315,000 men.

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    In the second edition of The World Crisis (1938), Churchill wrote that the figure of 442,000 was for other ranks and the figure of "probably" 460,000 casualties included officers. Churchill gave a figure of 278,000 German casualties of whom 72,000 were killed and expressed dismay that French casualties had exceeded German by about 3:2. Churchill also stated that an eighth needed to be deducted from his figures for both sides to account for casualties on other sectors, giving 403,000 French and 244,000 German casualties. Grant gave a figure of 434,000 German casualties in 2005. In 2005, Foley used calculations made by Wendt in 1931 to give German casualties at Verdun from 21 February to 31 August 1916 as 281,000, against 315,000 French casualties.

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    As more Bulgarian infantry and German machine guns became involved in the counter-attack the soldiers of the 37th Colonial Regiment were finally forced to abandon the hill and retreat. By 8:00 the attack of the 16th Colonial Division was beaten along the entire defensive line. Thus at 9:00 the division reinforced its attacking units and began a second attack against the hills "Shtabna Visochina" and "Vaskova Visochina" which was once again defeated. The losses of the Bulgarian 3/7 Infantry Brigade for the day were 134 killed and 276 wounded. The brigade captured 44 French troops in a half-drunken state and reported that its soldiers had counted 725 killed French soldiers. A few days following the attack General Sarrail reported a total of around 1,000 casualties in the 16th Colonial division for the attack on 9 of May. Further to the east of the 16th Colonial Division was the French 17th Colonial Division. On 9 of May this division was tasked with attacking the positions of the 22nd German-Bulgarian Infantry Brigade in conjunction with the Russian 2nd Independent Infantry Brigade. The artillery preparation in this sector began at 5:15 in the morning(guided by and observation balloon) and reached peak intensity at about 6:00 when it covered most of the German and Bulgarian lines. At precisely 6:30 the barrage lifted from the first line of trenches and moved on to their rear. At this moment the French infantry advanced in three waves with three regiments in the first line and one in reserve. Half way across no man's land the attackers were spotted by Bulgarian artillery men and subjected to heavy artillery shelling.

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    In 2015, Uffindell wrote that retrospective naming and dating of events can affect the way in which the past is understood. The Second Battle of the Aisne began on 16 April but the duration and extent of the battle have been interpreted differently. The ending of the battle is usually given as mid-May. Uffindell called this politically convenient, since this excluded the Battle of La Malmaison, in October, making it easier to blame Nivelle. Uffindel wrote that the exclusion of La Malmaison was artificial, since the attack was begun from the ground taken from April to May. General Franchet d'Espèrey called La Malmaison "the decisive phase of the Battle...that began on 16 April and ended on 2 November....". The offensive advanced the front line by 6–7 kilometres (3.7–4.3 mi) on the front of the Sixth Army, which took 5,300 prisoners and a large amount of equipment. The operation had been planned as a decisive blow to the Germans; by 20 April it was clear that the strategic intent of the offensive had not been achieved and by 25 April most of the fighting had ended. Casualties had reached 20 percent in the French armies by 10 May and some divisions suffered more than 60 percent losses. On 3 May the French 2nd Division refused orders and similar refusals and mutiny spread through the armies; the Nivelle Offensive was abandoned in confusion on 9 May.

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    The captured ground was hard to move over and difficult to defend, as much of it was of the shell-torn wilderness left by the 1916 Battle of the Somme. Elsewhere the transport infrastructure had been demolished and wells poisoned during the German retreat to the Hindenburg Line in March 1917. The initial German jubilation at the successful opening of the offensive soon turned to disappointment as it became clear that the attack had not been decisive. Marix Evans wrote in 2002, that the magnitude of the Allied defeat was not decisive, because reinforcements were arriving in large numbers, that by 6 April the BEF would have received 1,915 new guns, British machine-gun production was 10,000 per month and tank output 100 per month. The appointment of Foch as Generalissimo at the Doullens Conference had created formal unity of command in the Allied forces. In the British Official History (1935) Davies, Edmonds and Maxwell-Hyslop wrote that the Allies lost c. 255,000 men of which the British suffered 177,739 killed, wounded and missing, 90,882 of them in the Fifth Army and 78,860 in the Third Army, of whom c. 15,000 died, many with no known grave. The greatest losses were to 36th (Ulster) Division, with 7,310 casualties, the 16th (Irish) Division, with 7,149 casualties and 66th (2nd East Lancashire) Division, 7,023 casualties. All three formations were destroyed and had to be taken out of the order of battle to be rebuilt. Six divisions lost more than 5,000 men. German losses were 250,000 men, many of them irreplaceable élite troops. German casualties, from 21 March – 30 April, which includes the Battle of the Lys, are given as 348,300. A comparable Allied figure over this longer period, is French: 92,004 and British: 236,300, a total of c. 328,000. In 1978 Middlebrook wrote that casualties in the 31 German divisions engaged on 21 March were c. 39,929 men and that British casualties were c. 38,512. Middlebrook also recorded c. 160,000 British casualties up to 5 April, 22,000 killed, 75,000 prisoners and 65,000 wounded; French casualties were c. 80,000 and German casualties were c. 250,000 men. In 2002, Marix Evans recorded 239,000 men, many of whom were irreplaceable Stoßtruppen; 177,739 British casualties of whom 77,000 had been taken prisoner, 77 American casualties and 77,000 French losses, 17,000 of whom were captured. The Allies also lost 1,300 guns, 2,000 machine-guns and 200 tanks. In 2004, Zabecki gave 239,800 German, 177,739 British and 77,000 French casualties. R. C. Sherriff's play Journey's End (first produced 1928) is set in an officers' dugout in the British trenches facing Saint-Quentin from 18 to 21 March, before Operation Michael. There are frequent references to the anticipated "big German attack" and the play concludes with the launch of the German bombardment, in which one of the central characters is killed.

  • 英文を日本語訳して下さい。

    On the left flank of the division, Bethmann-Hollweg Trench to the north-east of Mont Sans Nom, was captured along with six guns, which secured Mont Sans Nom from an attack against the eastern slope. c. 1,100 prisoners, 22 guns, sixty mortars and 47 machine-guns were captured by the Foreign Legion. On 25 April, the 34th Division was relieved by the 19th Division. In the attack of 17 April, the Fourth Army had swiftly reached the crest of the Moronvilliers massif but German observation over the battlefield had enabled accurate German artillery-fire against the French infantry. The attack had been costly, despite fog protecting the French infantry from the fire of some German machine-guns. Tunnels driven through the chalk connected the foremost German positions with the rear. German infantry could fire until the last moment, then retire through them to the northern slopes. French heavy artillery-fire blocked some tunnels, subways, deep dugouts and caverns, entombing German troops and others were overrun and captured. As the French infantry encountered the German reverse-slope defences, fatigue, losses and the relatively undamaged state of the German positions, stopped the French advance. Possession of the crest was a substantial tactical advantage for the French, which denied the Germans observation to the south.

  • 英文を訳して下さい。

    On the north bank of the Aisne the French attack was more successful, the 42nd and 69th divisions reached the German second position between the Aisne and the Miette, the advance north of Berry penetrating 2.5 miles (4.0 km). Tanks to accompany the French infantry to the third objective arrived late and the troops were too exhausted and reduced by casualties to follow the tanks. Half of the tanks were knocked-out in the German defences and then acted as pill-boxes in advance of the French infantry, which helped to defeat a big German counter-attack. German infantry launched hasty counter-attacks along the front, recaptured Bermericourt and conducted organised counter-attacks where the French infantry had advanced the furthest. At Sapigneul in the XXXII Corps area, the 37th Division attack failed, which released German artillery in the area to fire in enfilade into the flanks of the adjacent divisions, which had been able to advance and the guns were also able to engage the French tanks north of the Aisne. The defeat of the 37th Division restored the German defences between Loivre and Juvincourt. The left flank division of the XXXII Corps and the right division of the V Corps penetrated the German second position south of Juvincourt but French tanks attacking south of the Miette from Bois de Beau Marais advanced to disaster.