Former Tsar reunited with family under protective custody
- Six days after being addressed as 'Nicholas Romanov' by sentries, the former Tsar and his family were reunited at the Alexander Palace at Tsarskoye Selo. They were placed under protective custody by the Provisional Government.
- The February Revolution resulted in widespread excitement in Petrograd, leading to the announcement of a provisional government on March 16. The government, initially chaired by Prince Georgy Yevgenyevich Lvov, included representatives from the center-left and had no official party connections.
- The socialists had formed the Petrograd Soviet four days prior to the provisional government. Both the Soviet and the Provisional Government had power over Russia, but the Soviet controlled the workers and soldiers and did not want to be involved in administration and bureaucracy.
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Six days later, the former Tsar, addressed with contempt by the sentries as "Nicholas Romanov", was reunited with his family at the Alexander Palace at Tsarskoye Selo. He and his family and loyal retainers were placed under protective custody by the Provisional Government. The immediate effect of the February Revolution was widespread excitement in Petrograd. On 16 March [O.S. 3 March], a provisional government was announced. The center-left was well represented, and the government was initially chaired by a liberal aristocrat, Prince Georgy Yevgenyevich Lvov, a man with no connections to any official party. The socialists had formed their rival body, the Petrograd Soviet (or workers' council) four days earlier. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government shared dual power over Russia. The Soviet had the stronger case for power because it controlled the workers and the soldiers, but it did not want to be involved in administration and bureaucracy.
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＞Six days later, the former Tsar, addressed with contempt by the sentries as "Nicholas Romanov", was reunited with his family at the Alexander Palace at Tsarskoye Selo. He and his family and loyal retainers were placed under protective custody by the Provisional Government. The immediate effect of the February Revolution was widespread excitement in Petrograd. On 16 March [O.S. 3 March], a provisional government was announced. ⇒6日後に、前ツァーは、哨兵らに「ニコラス・ロマノフ（王朝）」と侮蔑的に名指しされて、ツァルスコイ・セロのアレキサンダー宮殿で彼の家族と再会した。彼とその家族と家臣は、臨時政府によってその保護下に置かれた。二月革命の直接的影響は、ペトログラードで広範に及んだ騒動であった。3月16日〔旧ロシア歴3月3日〕に、臨時政府が発表された。 ＞The center-left was well represented, and the government was initially chaired by a liberal aristocrat, Prince Georgy Yevgenyevich Lvov, a man with no connections to any official party. The socialists had formed their rival body, the Petrograd Soviet (or workers' council) four days earlier. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government shared dual power over Russia. The Soviet had the stronger case for power because it controlled the workers and the soldiers, but it did not want to be involved in administration and bureaucracy. ⇒中道・左派の代表者は十分多かったが、政府は、いかなる公的政党とも関連しない自由主義の貴族、ジョルジ・イェフジェニエヴィッチ・リヴォフ皇太子を最初の議長とした。その4日前に、社会主義者らが自前の抵抗団体ペトログラード・ソビエト（または労働者評議会）をつくっていた。ペトログラード・ソビエトと臨時政府とは、ロシア（全土）に対する二重支配権を共有した。ソビエトは、労働者と兵士を統制したので、権力上はより強い組であったが、そうとは言え、管理や官僚（主義）に関わるような意欲はなかった。
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Another issue for Kerensky, the Kornilov Affair, arose when Commander-in-Chief of the Army, General Lavr Kornilov, directed an army under Aleksandr Krymov to march toward Petrograd with Kerensky's agreement. Although the details remain sketchy, Kerensky appeared to become frightened by the possibility of a coup and the order was countermanded. (Historian Richard Pipes is adamant that the episode was engineered by Kerensky). On 27 August, feeling betrayed by the Kerensky government who had previously agreed with his views on how to restore order to Russia, Kornilov pushed on towards Petrograd. With few troops to spare on the front, Kerensky was forced to turn to the Petrograd Soviet for help. Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries confronted the army and convinced them to stand down. Right-wingers felt betrayed, and the left wing was resurgent. Pressure from the Allies to continue the war against Germany put the government under increasing strain. The conflict between the "diarchy" became obvious, and, ultimately, the regime and the dual power formed between the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government instigated by the February Revolution was replaced in the October Revolution.
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Historian Edward Acton argues that "by stubbornly refusing to reach any modus vivendi with the Progressive Bloc of the Duma... Nicholas undermined the loyalty of even those closest to the throne [and] opened an unbridgeable breach between himself and public opinion." In short, the Tsar no longer had the support of the military, the nobility or the Duma (collectively the élites), or the Russian people. The result was revolution. The first major protest of the February Revolution occurred on 7 March 1917 (O.S. 22 February) as workers of Putilov (later called Kirov Plant), Petrograd’s largest industrial plant, announced a strike to demonstrate against the government. By 1917, the majority of Russians had lost faith in the Tsarist regime. Government corruption was unrestrained, and Tsar Nicholas II had frequently disregarded the Dumas. Thousands of workers flooded the streets of Petrograd (modern St. Petersburg) to show their dissatisfaction.
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The February Revolution (Russian: Февра́льская револю́ция; IPA: [fʲɪvˈralʲskəjə rʲɪvɐˈlʲutsɨjə], known in Soviet historiography as the February Bourgeois Democratic Revolution ) was the first of two revolutions in Russia in 1917. It was centered on Petrograd (now known as St. Petersburg), then the Russian capital, on Women's Day in March (late February in the Julian calendar). The revolution was confined to the capital and its vicinity, and lasted less than a week. It involved mass demonstrations and armed clashes with police and gendarmes, the last loyal forces of the Russian monarchy. In the last days, mutinous Russian Army forces sided with the revolutionaries. The immediate result of the revolution was the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II, the end of the Romanov dynasty, and the end of the Russian Empire. The Tsar was replaced by a Russian Provisional Government under Prince Georgy Lvov.
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The Provisional Government chafed at not having absolute control over all aspects of government, and tried many times to convince the Soviet to join it.[citation needed] Instead, it grudgingly cooperated with the Soviet from February to April. This arrangement became known as the "Dual Authority" or "Dual Power". However, the de facto supremacy of the Soviet was asserted as early as 14 March [O.S. 1 March] (before the creation of the Provisional Government), when the Soviet issued Order No. 1: The orders of the Military Commission of the State Duma [part of the organisation which became the Provisional Government] shall be executed only in such cases as do not conflict with the orders and resolution of the Soviet of Workers' and Soldiers' Deputies. — Point 4 of Order No. 1, 1 March 1917. Order No. 1 thus ensured that the Dual Authority developed on the Soviet's conditions.
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Initially, Lenin and his ideas did not have widespread support, even among Bolsheviks. In what became known as the July Days, approximately half a million people came out onto the streets of Petrograd in protest, including soldiers and sailors; Lenin was unable to direct them into an organised coup. The demonstrators, lacking leadership, disbanded and the government survived. However, the Provisional Government considered it a Bolshevik coup attempt and issued arrest warrants for prominent Bolsheviks. Lenin fled to Finland and other members of the Bolshevik party were arrested. Lvov was replaced by the Socialist Revolutionary minister Alexander Kerensky as head of the government.
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The response of the Duma, urged on by the Progressive Bloc, was to establish a Provisional Committee to restore law and order; meanwhile, the socialist parties re-established the Petrograd Soviet, first created during the 1905 revolution, to represent workers and soldiers. The remaining loyal units switched allegiance the next day. The Army Chiefs and the ministers who had come to advise the Tsar suggested that he abdicate the throne. He did so on 15 March [O.S. 2 March], on behalf of himself and his son, Tsarevich Alexei. Nicholas nominated his brother, the Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich, to succeed him. But the Grand Duke realised that he would have little support as ruler, so he declined the crown on 16 March [O.S. 3 March], stating that he would take it only if that was the consensus of democratic action by the Russian Constituent Assembly, which shall define the form of government for Russia.
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On 8 March (O.S. February 23), Putilov protesters were joined in uprising by those celebrating International Woman's Day and protesting against the government's implemented food rationing. As the Russian government began rationing flour and bread, rumors of food shortages circulated and bread riots erupted across the city of Petrograd. Women, in particular, were passionate in showing their dissatisfaction with the implemented rationing system, and the female workers marched to nearby factories to recruit over 50,000 workers for strike. Both men and women flooded the streets of Petrograd with red flags and banners which read "Down with the Autocracy!" By the following day [O.S. February 24], nearly 200,000 protesters filled the streets, demanding the replacement of the Tsar with a more progressive political leader. The protesting mob called for the war to end and for the Russian monarchy to be overthrown. By 10 March [O.S. 25 February], nearly all industrial enterprises in Petrograd were shut down by the uprising.
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The Provisional Government was an alliance between liberals and socialists who wanted political reform. They set up a democratically-elected executive and constituent assembly. At the same time, socialists also formed the Petrograd Soviet, which ruled alongside the Provisional Government, an arrangement termed Dual Power. The revolution appeared to break out spontaneously, without any real leadership or formal planning. Russia had been suffering from a number of economic and social problems, which were compounded by the impact of World War I. Bread rioters and industrial strikers were joined on the streets by disaffected soldiers from the city's garrison. As more and more troops deserted, and with loyal troops away at the Front, the city fell into chaos, leading to the overthrow of the Tsar. The February Revolution was followed in the same year by the October Revolution, bringing Bolshevik rule and a change in Russia's social structure, and paving the way for the Soviet Union.
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In January 1915, Samuel submitted a Zionist memorandum entitled The Future of Palestine to the Cabinet after discussions with Chaim Weizmann and Lloyd George. On 5 February 1915, Samuel had another discussion with Grey: "When I asked him what his solution was he said it might be possible to neutralize the country under international guarantee ... and to vest the government of the country in some kind of Council to be established by the Jews" After further conversations with Lloyd George and Grey, Samuel circulated a revised text to the Cabinet which was formally discussed on 13 March 1915.
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In putting down the strike, von Tessmar was ruthlessly efficient, but he was not required to resort to the executions that he had threatened. Within nine days, the strike was defeated and the leaders arrested. The two ringleaders were then sentenced by German court-martial in Trier to ten years imprisonment, to the disgust of the government. The continued refusal of the German authorities to respect the Luxembourgish government, and the humiliating manner in which the strike was put down by German military muscle rather than the Luxembourgish gendarmerie, were too much for Thorn. On 19 June 1917, the government resigned.
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