The Fall of Tsar Nicholas II and the February Revolution
- The refusal to compromise with the Progressive Bloc and the loss of support from the military, nobility, and Duma led to the fall of Tsar Nicholas II.
- The February Revolution began with a strike at the Putilov plant in Petrograd, as workers protested against the government.
- By 1917, the Russian people had lost faith in the Tsarist regime due to government corruption and disregard for the Dumas.
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Historian Edward Acton argues that "by stubbornly refusing to reach any modus vivendi with the Progressive Bloc of the Duma... Nicholas undermined the loyalty of even those closest to the throne [and] opened an unbridgeable breach between himself and public opinion." In short, the Tsar no longer had the support of the military, the nobility or the Duma (collectively the élites), or the Russian people. The result was revolution. The first major protest of the February Revolution occurred on 7 March 1917 (O.S. 22 February) as workers of Putilov (later called Kirov Plant), Petrograd’s largest industrial plant, announced a strike to demonstrate against the government. By 1917, the majority of Russians had lost faith in the Tsarist regime. Government corruption was unrestrained, and Tsar Nicholas II had frequently disregarded the Dumas. Thousands of workers flooded the streets of Petrograd (modern St. Petersburg) to show their dissatisfaction.
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＞Historian Edward Acton argues that "by stubbornly refusing to reach any modus vivendi with the Progressive Bloc of the Duma... Nicholas undermined the loyalty of even those closest to the throne [and] opened an unbridgeable breach between himself and public opinion." In short, the Tsar no longer had the support of the military, the nobility or the Duma (collectively the élites), or the Russian people. The result was revolution. ⇒歴史家エドワード・アクトンは主張している。「ロシア帝国議会の進歩的な議員団とはいかなる妥協・折り合いに達することも頑として拒否することによって… ニコラスは、王座に最も近い人たちの忠誠心さえ徐々にむしばみ、〔そして〕自分自身と世論の間の橋渡し不可能な不和・裂け目を開いたのである」と。要するに、ツァーはもはや、軍隊、貴族またはロシア帝国議会（全体的にエリート）の支持を、すなわち、ロシア人民の支持を無くしたのである。結果は、革命（あるのみ）であった。 ＞The first major protest of the February Revolution occurred on 7 March 1917 (O.S. 22 February) as workers of Putilov (later called Kirov Plant), Petrograd’s largest industrial plant, announced a strike to demonstrate against the government. By 1917, the majority of Russians had lost faith in the Tsarist regime. Government corruption was unrestrained, and Tsar Nicholas II had frequently disregarded the Dumas. Thousands of workers flooded the streets of Petrograd (modern St. Petersburg) to show their dissatisfaction. ⇒二月革命の最初の大きな抗議は、1917年3月7日（旧ロシア歴2月22日）に、ペトログラード最大の産業工場プチロフ（後にキーロフ工場と呼ばれた）の労働者が、政府に反対する示威運動をするために、ストライキを発表した時に起こった。1917年までには、大多数のロシア国民が、帝政支持体制に対する信頼を失っていた。政府の腐敗は抑制されず、ツァー・ニコラウス２世はしばしばロシア帝国議会を無視した。何千もの労働者が彼らの不満を示すために、ペトログラード（現代のサンクトペテルスブルグ）の通りに殺到した。
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The February Revolution (Russian: Февра́льская револю́ция; IPA: [fʲɪvˈralʲskəjə rʲɪvɐˈlʲutsɨjə], known in Soviet historiography as the February Bourgeois Democratic Revolution ) was the first of two revolutions in Russia in 1917. It was centered on Petrograd (now known as St. Petersburg), then the Russian capital, on Women's Day in March (late February in the Julian calendar). The revolution was confined to the capital and its vicinity, and lasted less than a week. It involved mass demonstrations and armed clashes with police and gendarmes, the last loyal forces of the Russian monarchy. In the last days, mutinous Russian Army forces sided with the revolutionaries. The immediate result of the revolution was the abdication of Tsar Nicholas II, the end of the Romanov dynasty, and the end of the Russian Empire. The Tsar was replaced by a Russian Provisional Government under Prince Georgy Lvov.
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Six days later, the former Tsar, addressed with contempt by the sentries as "Nicholas Romanov", was reunited with his family at the Alexander Palace at Tsarskoye Selo. He and his family and loyal retainers were placed under protective custody by the Provisional Government. The immediate effect of the February Revolution was widespread excitement in Petrograd. On 16 March [O.S. 3 March], a provisional government was announced. The center-left was well represented, and the government was initially chaired by a liberal aristocrat, Prince Georgy Yevgenyevich Lvov, a man with no connections to any official party. The socialists had formed their rival body, the Petrograd Soviet (or workers' council) four days earlier. The Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government shared dual power over Russia. The Soviet had the stronger case for power because it controlled the workers and the soldiers, but it did not want to be involved in administration and bureaucracy.
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On the home front, a famine loomed and commodities became scarce due to the overstretched railroad network. Meanwhile, refugees from German-occupied Russia came in their millions. The Russian economy, which had just seen one of the highest growth rates in Europe, was blocked from the continent's markets by the war. Though industry did not collapse, it was considerably strained and when inflation soared, wages could not keep up. The Duma (lower house of parliament), composed of liberal deputies, warned Tsar Nicholas II of the impending danger and counselled him to form a new constitutional government, like the one he had dissolved after some short-term attempts in the aftermath of the 1905 Revolution. The Tsar ignored the advice.
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Nicholas' response on 12 March [O.S. 27 February], perhaps based on the Empress' earlier letter to him that the concern about Petrograd was an over-reaction, was one of irritation that "again, this fat Rodzianko has written me lots of nonsense, to which I shall not even deign to reply". Meanwhile, events unfolded in Petrograd. The bulk of the garrison mutinied, starting with the Volynsky Life Guards Regiment. Even the Cossack units that the government had come to use for crowd control showed signs that they supported the people. Although few actively joined the rioting, many officers were either shot or went into hiding; the ability of the garrison to hold back the protests was all but nullified, symbols of the Tsarist regime were rapidly torn down around the city and governmental authority in the capital collapsed — not helped by the fact that Nicholas had prorogued the Duma that morning, leaving it with no legal authority to act.
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Army officers retreated into hiding and many took refuge in the Admiralty building of Petrograd. In all, over 1,300 people were killed in the protests of March (O.S. February) 1917. The Tsar had returned to his frontline base at Stavka on 7 March [O.S. 22 February]. After violence erupted, however, Mikhail Rodzianko, Chairman of the Duma, sent the Tsar a report of the chaos in a telegram (exact wordings and translations differ, but each retains a similar sense ): The situation is serious. The capital is in a state of anarchy. The Government is paralyzed. Transport service and the supply of food and fuel have become completely disrupted. General discontent is growing ... There must be no delay. Any procrastination is tantamount to death. — Rodzianko's first telegram to the Tsar, 11 March [O.S. 26 February] 1917.
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The response of the Duma, urged on by the Progressive Bloc, was to establish a Provisional Committee to restore law and order; meanwhile, the socialist parties re-established the Petrograd Soviet, first created during the 1905 revolution, to represent workers and soldiers. The remaining loyal units switched allegiance the next day. The Army Chiefs and the ministers who had come to advise the Tsar suggested that he abdicate the throne. He did so on 15 March [O.S. 2 March], on behalf of himself and his son, Tsarevich Alexei. Nicholas nominated his brother, the Grand Duke Michael Alexandrovich, to succeed him. But the Grand Duke realised that he would have little support as ruler, so he declined the crown on 16 March [O.S. 3 March], stating that he would take it only if that was the consensus of democratic action by the Russian Constituent Assembly, which shall define the form of government for Russia.
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While apparently unfounded, these reports resulted in attacks on individual policemen throughout the city. Meanwhile, some soldiers mutinied. Then, on 11 March [O.S. 26 February], the Tsar ordered the army to suppress the rioting by force, but troops mutinied and joined the protesters. On the morning of 12 March (O.S. 27 February), mutinous soldiers of the Fourth Company of the Pavlovski Replacement Regiment refused to fall in on parade when commanded, shot two officers, and joined the protesters on the streets. Other regiments quickly joined in the mutiny, resulting in the hunting down of police and the gathering of 40,000 rifles which were dispersed among the workers. By nightfall of 12 March (O.S. 27 February), General Khabalov and his forces faced a capital controlled by revolutionaries. The protesters of Petrograd burned down government buildings, seized the arsenal, and released prisoners into the city.
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On 8 March (O.S. February 23), Putilov protesters were joined in uprising by those celebrating International Woman's Day and protesting against the government's implemented food rationing. As the Russian government began rationing flour and bread, rumors of food shortages circulated and bread riots erupted across the city of Petrograd. Women, in particular, were passionate in showing their dissatisfaction with the implemented rationing system, and the female workers marched to nearby factories to recruit over 50,000 workers for strike. Both men and women flooded the streets of Petrograd with red flags and banners which read "Down with the Autocracy!" By the following day [O.S. February 24], nearly 200,000 protesters filled the streets, demanding the replacement of the Tsar with a more progressive political leader. The protesting mob called for the war to end and for the Russian monarchy to be overthrown. By 10 March [O.S. 25 February], nearly all industrial enterprises in Petrograd were shut down by the uprising.
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Another issue for Kerensky, the Kornilov Affair, arose when Commander-in-Chief of the Army, General Lavr Kornilov, directed an army under Aleksandr Krymov to march toward Petrograd with Kerensky's agreement. Although the details remain sketchy, Kerensky appeared to become frightened by the possibility of a coup and the order was countermanded. (Historian Richard Pipes is adamant that the episode was engineered by Kerensky). On 27 August, feeling betrayed by the Kerensky government who had previously agreed with his views on how to restore order to Russia, Kornilov pushed on towards Petrograd. With few troops to spare on the front, Kerensky was forced to turn to the Petrograd Soviet for help. Bolsheviks, Mensheviks and Socialist Revolutionaries confronted the army and convinced them to stand down. Right-wingers felt betrayed, and the left wing was resurgent. Pressure from the Allies to continue the war against Germany put the government under increasing strain. The conflict between the "diarchy" became obvious, and, ultimately, the regime and the dual power formed between the Petrograd Soviet and the Provisional Government instigated by the February Revolution was replaced in the October Revolution.
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Initially, Lenin and his ideas did not have widespread support, even among Bolsheviks. In what became known as the July Days, approximately half a million people came out onto the streets of Petrograd in protest, including soldiers and sailors; Lenin was unable to direct them into an organised coup. The demonstrators, lacking leadership, disbanded and the government survived. However, the Provisional Government considered it a Bolshevik coup attempt and issued arrest warrants for prominent Bolsheviks. Lenin fled to Finland and other members of the Bolshevik party were arrested. Lvov was replaced by the Socialist Revolutionary minister Alexander Kerensky as head of the government.
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