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Consumption in Britain overtook that in France and was in turn overtaken by consumption in Germany.
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Two great issues lay as impediments to convocation of a multilateral convention to plan the economic reconstruction of Europe. One was the issue of reparations, regarded as the primary matter of contention between the Triple Entente powers of France and Great Britain in the postwar era. At issue was whether the terms of economic reparations in the Treaty of Versailles, which ended World War I, were to be enforced or amended. On the one hand was the British view that massive reconstruction costs laid upon Germany would undermine European economic recovery and thereby the market for British exports of manufactured goods. The French, on the other hand, believed that if Germany were allowed to skirt the severe financial obligations detailed in the peace treaty, its economic rise would be massively accelerated and its political and military hegemony on the European continent rapidly restored. France, among the main battlegrounds of the European conflagration, was particularly hard-hit and in need of external funds for reconstruction; Germany, on the other hand, was seen as having largely escaped the destruction of infrastructure and economic capacity during the war and currently engaged in systematic underestimation of their ability to pay. The political and economic weakness of Germany was emphasized by its new Weimar government, which effectively made the argument that it would be unable to maintain the specified payment schedule. Germany's position came to be regarded as an axiomatic truth by political decision-makers in London and Washington, DC, as well as elsewhere throughout, despite quiet indications from some German authorities themselves that some substantial portion of the reparations bill could be safely managed. German politicians sought to minimize the country's tax burden through the acquisition of foreign loans and the reduction of the overall reparations bill. British, American, and Swiss bankers were for their own part adamant that necessary loans would not be available until a final, achievable reparations bill and repayment schedule could be agreed upon by all main parties in the dispute. In the meantime, German authorities attempted to raise the foreign currency necessary for reparations by dumping paper currency unbacked by gold on the market, triggering a hyperinflation paralyzing the country's economy, which had a desired subsidiary effect of helping make the case that the current schedule of reparations was untenable. It was hoped by Germany, Britain, and the United States and feared by France that the Genoa Conference would provide an opportunity for downward revision of the reparations schedule set forth by treaty.
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The Battle of Jutland is considered to be the only major naval battle of World War One. Jutland witnessed the British Navy losing more men and ships but the verdict of the Battle of Jutland was that the German Navy lost and was never in a position again to put to sea during the war. Admiral John Jellicoe’s tactics were criticised by some, but after the battle the British Navy remained a powerful fighting force whereas the German High Seas fleet was not. Why was the battle fought? It was generally believed that Britain had naval supremacy not only in Europe but also throughout the world. One of the major clashes involving Germany and Britain before the outbreak of war in August 1914, was what was described as the naval race between the two nations. The British public had grown to believe that Britain could not be challenged when its navy was concerned. The song “Rule Britannia” was very much in this mould as the song starts “Rule Britannia, Britannia rules the waves, Britain never, never, never shall be slaves.” A strong British navy was expected by the public, as was the inevitable naval victory.
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During the 19th century, the major European powers went to great lengths to maintain a balance of power throughout Europe, resulting in the existence of a complex network of political and military alliances throughout the continent by 1900.[20] These began in 1815, with the Holy Alliance between Prussia, Russia, and Austria. When Germany was united in 1871, Prussia became part of the new German nation. Soon after, in October 1873, German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck negotiated the League of the Three Emperors (German: Dreikaiserbund) between the monarchs of Austria-Hungary, Russia and Germany. This agreement failed because Austria-Hungary and Russia could not agree over Balkan policy, leaving Germany and Austria-Hungary in an alliance formed in 1879, called the Dual Alliance. This was seen as a method of countering Russian influence in the Balkans as the Ottoman Empire continued to weaken.[9] This alliance expanded, in 1882, to include Italy in what became the Triple Alliance.[21] Bismarck had especially worked to hold Russia at Germany's side in an effort to avoid a two-front war with France and Russia. When Wilhelm II ascended to the throne as German Emperor (Kaiser), Bismarck was compelled to retire and his system of alliances was gradually de-emphasised. For example, the Kaiser refused, in 1890, to renew the Reinsurance Treaty with Russia. Two years later, the Franco-Russian Alliance was signed to counteract the force of the Triple Alliance. In 1904, Britain signed a series of agreements with France, the Entente Cordiale, and in 1907, Britain and Russia signed the Anglo-Russian Convention. While these agreements did not formally ally Britain with France or Russia, they made British entry into any future conflict involving France or Russia a possibility, and the system of interlocking bilateral agreements became known as the Triple Entente.[9]
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Additionally, Germany and France have been the drivers of a more united Europe. That was the lofty ambition championed in the 1980s and 1990s by Germany's Helmut Kohl and France's Francois Mitterrand — continental Europe's dominant leaders of that era. They shared a common vision of using economic unity as a safeguard against another tragedy like the Second World War. But in this era where the global economy makes countries interdependent as never before, some have begun to question whether Europe needs such rigid economic ligatures to ensure that the continent never again plunges into war.
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どなたか、英語が堪能な方お願いします。 (1) This is charcoal. I like barbeque very much. I often have barbeque party with my family and friends in summer. It is really fun and dish is very delicious. (2) This is an autographed ball. I was given an autograph by Mr.Yoshinobu Takahashi in Yomiuri Giants. It is genuine. I like baseball since long ago. My father watched Major League games on TV in the weekend and I came to like it affected by that. (3) These are vegetables. I am working as a part time worker at the grocery store. All worker are friendly and cheerful and I am happy to work. My job is easy. (lol) Good points to work there are that hourly pay is high and I can eat many fresh fruits. (4) This is a savings bank in the form of Jizo (a guardian deity of children). It has good touch and I like it. No money is in it. (lol) (5) This is a seal. I bought it when I went to the trip to Beijing, China. It was made of crystal and by craftsman’s hands. I like it very much but have never used. (lol) (6) This is a photo of Tenanmon. It was very cold on the day I took this photo. It was very wide and the building had sense of history. Here was also a location site of the movie "Last Emperor." (7) This is a ticket of the World Cup. I went to the World Cup 2006 in Germany. I saw the game between Japan and Brazil and was very excited. Dortmund in Germany had very beautiful street and very tasty baked sausage 長文すいません・・・
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At the start of the war, Britain was involved in two minor naval clashes – Heligoland and Dogger Bank. A full-scale naval clash between Germany and Britain had not occurred. Germany’s fleet was smaller than Britain’s but both fleets benefited from the development in 1906 of the Dreadnought. Overnight, all warships were redundant in terms of what they could do relative to the Dreadnought. The new design was quickly latched onto by the Germans and a naval race began.
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The Kingdom of Lithuania was a client state of Germany created in 1918. Moldavia (Moldavian Democratic Republic) The Moldavian Democratic Republic was a client state of Germany created in 1917. Northern Caucasus (Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus) The Mountainous Republic of the Northern Caucasus was associated with the Central Powers. Poland (Kingdom of Poland) The Kingdom of Poland was a client state of Germany created in 1916. This government was recognized by the emperors of Germany and Austria-Hungary in November 1916, and it adopted a constitution in 1917.
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Belgian military planning assumed that other powers would eject an invader and an alliance between France and Britain was not solidified by a potential German invasion, despite the Anglo-French Entente (1904), that had led the Belgians to perceive that the British attitude toward Belgium had changed and that it was seen as a British protectorate. A General Staff was formed in 1910 but the Chef d'État-Major Général de l'Armée, Lieutenant-Général Harry Jungbluth was retired on 30 June 1912 and not replaced by Lieutenant-General Chevalier de Selliers de Moranville until May 1914. Moranville began planning for the concentration of the army and met Belgian railway officials on 29 July.
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以下の英語の訳をお願いいたします。 →(やじるし)で書いてあるところは、自分で訳してみたものです。上手く訳せません… また、文法的な説明もしていただけると嬉しいです。 (1)This in turn made the thin plate in the recording unit vibrate. →？(わかりませんでした…) このmadeはどういった意味のものでしょうか。 This in turn とは？ (2)This resulted in vibration of the needle. →これはその針の振動という結果になった。 (3)The needle was placed on the cylinder, leaving a mark on the tin as the cylinder was turned. →その針は円筒の上に配置され、(以下よくわかりません。) leaving以下はどういった文法で書かれているのでしょうか。 このasはどう訳せばいいですか？ (4)That mark showed the pattern of the sound waves. →その印は音波のパターンを示した。 (5)As for playback,the cylinder was turned again, (6)and the needle in the playback unit was made to run along the mark. →再生に関する限りでは、円筒は再び化した(？) →そして再生装置の針は印に沿って作られた。 (5)のbe turnedあたりと、(6)のmadeの訳し方がわかりません…。 andと、その前のコンマはどういう意味合いがありますか？ 以上よろしくお願いいたします。
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The British military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that the Treaty of Versailles was "extremely lenient in comparison with the peace terms that Germany herself, when she was expecting to win the war, had had in mind to impose on the Allies". Furthermore, he claimed, it was "hardly a slap on the wrist" when contrasted with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that Germany had imposed on a defeated Russia in March 1918, which had taken away a third of Russia's population (albeit of non-Russian ethnicity), one-half of Russia's industrial undertakings and nine-tenths of Russia's coal mines, coupled with an indemnity of six billion marks. Eventually, even under the "cruel" terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany′s economy had been restored to its pre-war status. Barnett also claims that, in strategic terms, Germany was in fact in a superior position following the Treaty than she had been in 1914. Germany′s eastern frontiers faced Russia and Austria, who had both in the past balanced German power. Barnett asserts that its post-war eastern borders were safer, because the former Austrian Empire fractured after the war into smaller, weaker states, Russia was wracked by revolution and civil war, and the newly restored Poland was no match for even a defeated Germany. In the West, Germany was balanced only by France and Belgium, both of which were smaller in population and less economically vibrant than Germany. Barnett concludes by saying that instead of weakening Germany, the treaty "much enhanced" German power. Britain and France should have (according to Barnett) "divided and permanently weakened" Germany by undoing Bismarck's work and partitioning Germany into smaller, weaker states so it could never have disrupted the peace of Europe again. By failing to do this and therefore not solving the problem of German power and restoring the equilibrium of Europe, Britain "had failed in her main purpose in taking part in the Great War".The British historian of modern Germany, Richard J. Evans, wrote that during the war the German right was committed to an annexationist program which aimed at Germany annexing most of Europe and Africa. Consequently, any peace treaty that did not leave Germany as the conqueror would be unacceptable to them. Short of allowing Germany to keep all the conquests of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Evans argued that there was nothing that could have been done to persuade the German right to accept Versailles. Evans further noted that the parties of the Weimar Coalition, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the social liberal German Democratic Party (DDP) and the Christian democratic Centre Party, were all equally opposed to Versailles, and it is false to claim as some historians have that opposition to Versailles also equalled opposition to the Weimar Republic.
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