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~relations with the muslim world~ let's face it:much of the muslim world today is deeply distrustful of anything america does. for this, certainly, a good portion of the blame goes to the misguided invasion of ilaq and its aftermath - which, in turn, was a response to 9/11 and bin laden. in that sense, america played right bin laden's hands.


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~ムスリム世界との関係~ 以下のことを直視しよう。 今日のムスリム世界の多くは、アメリカが何をしようとも深い不信感を抱いている。そのため確かに、批判のかなりの部分はイラクへの誤った侵略行為へ、そしてその余波は逆に9.11の報復とビンラディンへとつながっている。その意味では、アメリカはビン・ラディンの思う壷にはまってしまったのである。


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  • bakansky
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Relations with the Muslim world Let's face it: much of the Muslim world today is deeply distrustful of anything America does. For this, certainly, a good portion of the blame goes to the misguided invasion of Iraq and its aftermath - which, in turn, was a response to 9/11 and Bin Laden. in that sense, America played right Bin Laden's hands.  ムスリム諸国との関係  今日ムスリム諸国の多くがアメリカの行動に深い不信感を抱いている。その原因はもちろん、アメリカが誤った情報に基づいてイラクに侵入したということとその後遺症に多くを負っている。そもそもは 9/11 とその背後にあったビン・ラデンに報復することが目的であったのだが、アメリカに対する不信感を増幅させたことについては、ビン・ラデンにしてやられたともいえる。



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    ~terrorism itself~ michael nacht, a former defense department official who now teaches at the university of california, berkeley, believes that bin laden's death will diminish the terrorist threat to the united states. nacht compared terrorism in the bin laden era to a "fatal disease." now, he says, it's more like a chronic illness: "it can still cause you trouble, but it's not a mortal threat."

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    次の英文の和訳をお願いします。 now that bin laden is dead,the most pressingquestionwe need to ask is:will his death make a difference? thoughit is not an easy questionto answer, it seems to me that there are fourareas where it ought to be asked: ~the arab spring~ the comumentariat was quick to note the delisious irony that bin laden`s death coincided with the citizen uprisings in egypt,tunisia,libya and elsewhere.the arab spring has shown that millions of muslims have zero interest in the hard-line theocracy favored by al qaeda.what they yearn for instead is freedom and democracy. bin laden`s death merely put an exclamation point on the fact that his influence in the region had diminished considerably in the decade since 9/11. ~the war in afganistan~ ever since he came into office, president obama has insisted that our presence in afghanistan was directly related to the ongoing threat from al qaeda. liberal groups like the brave new foundation are already saying that binladen`s death has``ended the rationale``for the war.

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    In 1914, the Central Powers began a peripheral strategy, which had antecedents in the concept of Weltpolitik, the thinking of the German navy in the 1900s, during the Anglo-German naval antagonism and in the writings of advocates of overseas empire. The possibility of encouraging revolutionary warfare among the enslaved peoples of the British, French and Russian empires (Muslims, Irish, Jews, Poles, the peoples of the Baltic littoral, Ukrainians, Georgians and eventually the Bolsheviks). The founding of a great German empire was not contemplated but military weakness in Europe, led to an attempt to turn colonial inferiority into a strength. On 20 August 1914, Moltke wrote to the Foreign Office, demanding Islamic revolutions in Morocco, Tunisia and Algeria. The means to bring about change in the non-European world were limited, with little expertise, few men and little equipment to spare from Europe and exiguous overland routes to the outside world. Moltke expected diplomats to create anti-imperialist armies, as the Foreign Office pursued a pan-Islamic strategy, using the Ottoman Empire and its army as the means. The Ottomans entered the war to escape from European domination, rather than as a German proxy and had imperial ambitions in North Africa, Central Asia and the Near East. In October 1914, Enver devised a war plan which included a Holy War and an invasion of Egypt. On 14 November Sheikh-ul-Islam declared holy war, called on all Muslims to fight the Entente and allied powers but not Italy and excluded Muslims under the rule of Germany or Austria-Hungary. The Sheikh urged the peoples of the European colonial empires to join in, a message which reached north, east and west Africa. On 5 August, Enver established the Teskilat-i Mahsusa (Special Organisation) to conduct propaganda, subversion, terrorism and sabotage, based on the precedent of the war in Libya against the Italians.

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    The Second Battle of the Isonzo was fought between the armies of the Kingdom of Italy and of Austria-Hungary in the Italian Front in World War I, between 18 July and 3 August 1915.After the failure of the First Battle of the Isonzo, two weeks earlier, Luigi Cadorna, commander-in-chief of the Italian forces, decided for a new thrust against the Austro-Hungarian lines with heavier artillery support. The overall plans of the Italian offensive were barely changed by the outcomes of the previous fight, besides the role of general Frugoni's Second Army, which this time had, on paper, to carry out only demonstrative attacks all over his front. The major role, assigned to the Duke of Aosta's Third Army, was to conquer Mount San Michele and Mount Cosich, cutting the enemy line and opening the way to Gorizia. General Cadorna's tactics were as simple as they were harsh: after a heavy artillery bombardment his troops were to advance in a frontal assault against the Austro-Hungarian line, overcome the enemy's barbed-wire fences, and take the trenches. The insufficiency of war materiel – from rifles, to artillery shells, to shears to cut barbed wire – nullified the Italians' numerical superiority.The Karst Plateau was the site of an exhausting series of hand-to-hand fights involving the Italian Second and Third Armies, with severe casualties on both sides. Bayonets, swords, knives, and various scrap metal and debris were all used in the terrifying melee. The Austro-Hungarian 20th division lost two-thirds of its effective strength and was routed due to a combination of the successive Italian Army attacks and the unfavorable terrain. On 25 July the Italians occupied the Cappuccio Wood, a position south of Mount San Michele, which was not very steep but dominated quite a large area including the Austro-Hungarian bridgehead of Gorizia from the South. Mount San Michele was briefly held by Italian forces, but was recaptured during a desperate counterattack by Colonel Richter, who commanded a group of elite regiments. In the northern section of the front, the Julian Alps, the Italians managed to overrun Mount Batognica over Kobarid (Caporetto), which would have an important strategic value in future battles. The battle wore down when both sides ran out of ammunition. The total casualties during the three week battle were about 91,000 men, of which 43,000 Italians and 48,000 Austro-Hungarians. The Second Battle of the Isonzo 第二次イゾンツォの戦い

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    The U-boat Campaign from 1914 to 1918 was the World War I naval campaign fought by German U-boats against the trade routes of the Allies. It took place largely in the seas around the British Isles and in the Mediterranean. The German Empire relied on imports for food and domestic food production (especially fertilizer) and the United Kingdom relied heavily on imports to feed its population, and both required raw materials to supply their war industry; the powers aimed, therefore, to blockade one another. The British had the Royal Navy which was superior in numbers and could operate on most of the world's oceans because of the British Empire, whereas the Imperial German Navy surface fleet was mainly restricted to the German Bight, and used commerce raiders and unrestricted submarine warfare to operate elsewhere. In the course of events, German U-boats sank almost 5,000 ships with nearly 13 million gross register ton, losing 178 boats and about 5,000 men in combat.

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    The Togoland Campaign (9–26 August 1914) was a French and British invasion of the German colony of Togoland in west Africa (which became Togo and the Volta Region of Ghana after independence), during the First World War. The colony was invaded on 6 August, by French forces from Dahomey to the east and on 9 August by British forces from Gold Coast to the west. German colonial forces withdrew from the capital Lomé and the coastal province and then fought delaying actions on the route north to Kamina, where a new wireless station linked Berlin to Togoland, the Atlantic and south America. The main British and French force from the neighbouring colonies of Gold Coast and Dahomey, advanced from the coast up the road and railway, as smaller forces converged on Kamina from the north. The German defenders were able to delay the invaders for several days at the battles of Bafilo, Agbeluvhoe and Chra but surrendered the colony on 26 August 1914. In 1916, Togoland was partitioned by the victors and in July 1922, British Togoland and French Togoland were created, as League of Nations mandates. The French acquisition consisted of c. 60 percent of the colony, including the coast. The British received the smaller, less populated and less developed portion of Togoland to the west. The surrender of Togoland marked the beginning of the end for the German colonial empire in Africa.

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    self-government for localities freedom of religious worship; no discrimination among the inhabitants with regard to citizenship and civil rights, on the grounds of religion, or of race control of the Holy PlacesHowever, despite these attempts to influence the conference, the Zionists were instead constrained by Article 7 of the resulting Palestine Mandate to merely having the right of obtaining Palestinian citizenship: "The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent residence in Palestine." Citing the Balfour Declaration, the Zionists suggested that the British had already recognized the historic title of the Jews to Palestine in 1917. The preamble of the British Mandate of 1922, in which the Balfour Declaration was incorporated, stated: "Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country ...". The remaking of the world map at these conferences gave birth to a number of critical conflict-prone international contradictions, which would become one of the causes of World War II. The British historian Eric Hobsbawm claimed: [N]o equally systematic attempt has been made before or since, in Europe or anywhere else, to redraw the political map on national lines. [...] The logical implication of trying to create a continent neatly divided into coherent territorial states each inhabited by separate ethnically and linguistically homogeneous population, was the mass expulsion or extermination of minorities. Such was and is the reductio ad absurdum of nationalism in its territorial version, although this was not fully demonstrated until the 1940s.Historians on the left have argued that Wilson's Fourteen Points, in particular, the principle of national self-determination, were primarily anti-Left measures, designed to tame the revolutionary fever sweeping across Europe in the wake of the October Revolution and the end of the war by playing the nationalist card. British Historian Antony Lentin evaluates LLoyd George's role in Paris as a major success: Unrivaled as a negotiator, he had powerful combative instincts and indomitable determinism, and succeeded through charm, insight, resourcefulness, and simple pugnacity. Although sympathetic to France's desires to keep Germany under control, he did much to prevent the French from gaining power, attempted to extract Britain from the Anglo-French entente, inserted the war-guilt clause, and maintained a liberal and realist view of the postwar world. By doing so, he managed to consolidate power over the House [of Commons], secured his power base, expanded the empire, and sought a European balance of power.

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    At daybreak on 29 September, General Hans von Beseler, called out of retirement at the age of sixty-five, arrayed six divisions in an arc facing the outer ring of forts. The heavy siege howitzers that had destroyed the defences of Namur and Liège had been placed well beyond the range of Belgian artillery. Aided by aircraft spotting, German gunners quickly found their targets. Belgian guns belched dense, black smoke, revealing their exact location and the fields cleared by the defenders deprived the forts of any concealment. Two of the forts were quickly reduced to rubble; the others fell in methodical succession. Without waiting for the outcome, the Belgian government and 65,000 troops departed from Ostend that night, leaving an army of 80,000 to hold off the enemy. Next day the entire outer ring collapsed, prompting a mass evacuation of civilians to the neutral Netherlands. A British Royal Marine Division joined the defending troops during the attack, but even this combined force was unable to stem the German drive. After six days of stubborn fighting, the remaining garrison retired across the Scheldt River to the southern border of the Netherlands, while the rest of the Belgian army retreated to the West, to defend the last piece of Belgian territory in the Battle of the Yser (16–31 October 1914). Many of those killed at the Aisne are buried at Vailly British Cemetery. There were two later battles on the Aisne; the second (April–May 1917) and the third (May–June 1918). The Battle of Bita Paka (11 September 1914) was fought south of Kabakaul, on the island of New Britain, and was a part of the invasion and subsequent occupation of German New Guinea by the Australian Naval and Military Expeditionary Force (AN&MEF) shortly after the outbreak of the First World War. Similar to New Zealand's operation against German Samoa in August, the main target of the operation was a strategically important wireless station—one of several used by the German East Asiatic Squadron—which the Australians believed to be located in the area. The powerful German naval fleet threatened British interests and its elimination was an early priority of the British and Australian governments during the war. After an unopposed landing, a mixed force of German reservists and half-trained Melanesian police mounted a stout resistance and forced the Australians to fight their way to the objective. After a day of fighting during which both sides suffered casualties, Australian forces captured the wireless station at Bita Paka. The battle was Australia's first major military engagement of the war and the only significant action of the campaign; in its aftermath the remaining German forces on New Britain fled inland to Toma. Following a brief siege there the German garrison capitulated, ending resistance to the Australian occupation of the island. The Battle of Bita Paka ビタ・パカの戦い

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    Grand Admiral Alfred von Tirpitz stated it was sad that many Americans "in wanton recklessness, and in spite of the warnings of our Ambassador, had embarked in this armed cruiser, heavily laden with munitions" and had died, but that Germany had been within her rights to sink the ship. Lusitania was indeed officially listed as an auxiliary war ship, and her cargo had included an estimated 4,200,000 rounds of rifle cartridges, 1,250 empty shell cases, and 18 cases of non-explosive fuses, which was openly listed as such in her cargo manifest. The day after the sinking, The New York Times published full details of the ship's military cargo. Assistant Manager of the Cunard Line, Herman Winter, denied the charge that she carried munitions, but admitted that she was carrying small-arms ammunition, and that she had been carrying such ammunition for years. The fact that Lusitania had been carrying shells and cartridges was not made known to the British public at the time. In the 27-page additional manifest, delivered to U.S. customs 4–5 days after Lusitania sailed from New York, and in the Bethlehem Steels papers, it is stated that the "empty shells" were in fact 1,248 boxes of filled 3" shell, 4 shells to the box, totaling 103,000 pounds or 50 tonnes. President Woodrow Wilson refused to immediately declare war. During the weeks after the sinking, the issue was hotly debated within the U.S. government, and correspondence was exchanged between the U.S. and German governments. German Foreign Minister Von Jagow continued to argue that Lusitania was a legitimate military target, as she was listed as an armed merchant cruiser, she was using neutral flags and she had been ordered to ram submarines – in blatant contravention of the Cruiser Rules. Von Jagow further argued that Lusitania had on previous voyages carried munitions and Allied troops. Wilson continued to insist the German government apologise for the sinking, compensate U.S. victims, and promise to avoid any similar occurrence in the future. The British were disappointed with Wilson over his failure to pursue more drastic actions. Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan advised President Wilson that "ships carrying contraband should be prohibited from carrying passengers ... [I]t would be like putting women and children in front of an army." Bryan later resigned because he felt the Wilson administration was being biased in ignoring British contraventions of international law, and that Wilson was leading the U.S. into the war.

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    次の英文の和訳をお願いします。 1.if text message have already been deleted from your cell phone, then the chances of recovery are next to nothing. 2.wallis simpson had been married whem she first spotted edward, prince of wales,and fell in love with him in 1931. 3.by the time of that meeting ,the world's central banks had already taken significant sueps to stabilize financial markets and to mitigate the worst effects of the recession.