Luxembourg Political System Brought to its Knees
- On 11 October 1915, Luxembourg's political system was brought to its knees by the death of Paul Eyschen, the long-serving Prime Minister.
- During the first year of German occupation, Eyschen provided stability for the Luxembourgish people.
- The death of Eyschen also posed challenges for Marie-Adélaïde, the Grand Duchess of Luxembourg, who was politically inexperienced and seen as biased for a constitutional monarch.
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On 11 October 1915, Luxembourg's political system was brought to its knees by the death of Paul Eyschen. When war broke out, Eyschen had been 73 years old, but his premiership of twenty-seven years was the only government that most Luxembourgers had known. Throughout the first year of German occupation, he had been a rock for the Luxembourgish people. He had also been of great importance to Marie-Adélaïde; the Grand Duchess had never been groomed for the position, was fifty-three years Eyschen's junior, and was considered both politically naïve and dangerously partisan for a constitutional monarch. The recent strains were relatively cosmetic.
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以下のとおりお答えします。 アイシェンの死去と、生前の影響力などについて述べています。 ＞On 11 October 1915, Luxembourg's political system was brought to its knees by the death of Paul Eyschen. When war broke out, Eyschen had been 73 years old, but his premiership of twenty-seven years was the only government that most Luxembourgers had known. Throughout the first year of German occupation, he had been a rock for the Luxembourgish people. ⇒1915年10月11日、ポール・アイシェンの死去により、ルクセンブルクの政治機構は（圧力に）屈服した。戦争が突発した時、アイシェンは73歳であったけれども、27年の彼の首相の地位は、ほとんどのルクセンブルク人が知っていた唯一の政府であった。ドイツの占領の当初、彼は一年中にわたってルクセンブルク人のよりどころであった。 ＞He had also been of great importance to Marie-Adélaïde; the Grand Duchess had never been groomed for the position, was fifty-three years Eyschen's junior, and was considered both politically naïve and dangerously partisan for a constitutional monarch. The recent strains were relatively cosmetic. ⇒彼はまた、マリー・アデレードにとって大きな重要性をもっていた。大公妃はその地位のために一度も訓練されたことがなく、53年間アイシェンのジュニアであり、政治的に純粋で、危険なほどに立憲君主の同志別動員であると考えられた。最近の傾向は、どちらかと言えば美辞麗句的であった。
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On occasions, Eyschen's principles got the better of him. On 13 October 1914, a Luxembourgish journalist named Karl Dardar was arrested by the German army for publishing anti-German stories. He was then taken to Koblenz, and tried and sentenced by court-martial to three months imprisonment. Eyschen was outraged that the Germans had kidnapped a Luxembourgish citizen and tried him for an extraterritorial offence, and Eyschen did nothing to hide his indignation. Eyschen told the German minister in Luxembourg that the action was a 'direct injury to the Grand Duchy's national sovereignty'.
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During this period, Luxembourg was allowed to retain its own government and political system, but all proceedings were overshadowed by the German army's presence. Despite the overbearing distraction of the occupation, the Luxembourgish people attempted to lead their lives as normally as possible. The political parties attempted to focus on other matters, such as the economy, education, and constitutional reform. The domestic political environment was further complicated by the death of Paul Eyschen, who had been Prime Minister for 27 years. With his death came a string of short-lived governments, culminating in rebellion, and constitutional turmoil after the withdrawal of German soldiers.
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After the failure of the all-conservative government, the Grand Duchess turned to the leading liberal politician, Victor Thorn, to form a new government. After Eyschen's premiership of 27 years, two governments had come and gone in three months, and the Luxembourgish people were becoming disillusioned with the failure of the politicians. Thorn's nature was to be a conciliatory leader, and he made a direct appeal to the Chamber of Deputies to support his government, no matter the deputies' individual ideological persuasions: "If you want a government that acts, and is capable of acting, it is imperative that all parties support this government." This support was forthcoming from all parties, but only on the condition that each was invited into the government; Thorn was left with no choice but to afford them this. The resulting grand coalition cabinet included every leading light in Luxembourgish politics; besides Thorn himself, there were the conservatives Léon Kauffmann and Antoine Lefort, the socialist leader Dr Michel Welter, and the liberal Léon Moutrier.
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The next day, while French troops were still at a distance from the German frontier, Germany launched a full invasion. German soldiers began moving through south-eastern Luxembourg, crossing the Moselle River at Remich and Wasserbillig, and headed towards the capital, Luxembourg City. Tens of thousands of German soldiers had been deployed to Luxembourg in those twenty-four hours (although the Grand Duchy's government refuted any precise number that was suggested). Grand Duchess Marie-Adélaïde ordered that the Grand Duchy's small army, which numbered under 400, not to resist, and, on the afternoon of the 2 August, she and Eyschen met the German commander, Oberst Richard Karl von Tessmar, on Luxembourg City's Adolphe Bridge, the symbol of Luxembourg's modernisation. They protested mildly, but both the young Grand Duchess and her aging statesman accepted German military rule as inevitable.
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The summer of 1918 saw a dramatic decline in the fortunes of the government. On 8 July, Clausen, in central Luxembourg City, had been bombed by the British Royal Air Force, killing ten civilians. Although this did not endear the Allies to Luxembourgers, the Grand Duchess' instinct was to run to the Germans, who were even less popular amongst the people. On 16 August, German Chancellor Georg von Hertling paid a visit to Luxembourg; although Hertling asked only to see the Grand Duchess, Kauffmann asked that he also attend. To the Luxembourgish people, relations between the two countries now seemed unambiguously cordial, and all that was left of Kauffmann's credibility disappeared. This was compounded further by the news on 26 August of the engagement of the Grand Duchess' sister, Princess Antonia, to Crown Prince Rupprecht of Bavaria, who was Generalfeldmarschall in the German army. Pressure mounted on Kauffmann; with his party still strong, but with his personal reputation shattered, he was left with no option but to resign, which he did on 28 September in favour of Émile Reuter, another conservative.
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Such vexatious complaints were repeated, by both Eyschen and Victor Thorn, when a railway worker was arrested in January 1915 for allegedly working for French military intelligence, and subsequently tried and sentenced in Trier. As Minister for Justice, Thorn was incensed that the Luxembourgish legal system had been treated with such disdain. Such objections were not received well by the German authorities. Although they tired of Eyschen's stubborn ways, he remained a useful tool to unite the various Luxembourgish political factions. On 23 June 1915 a letter was sent to the Luxembourg government stating that the Germans considered Luxembourg to be a theatre of war and that the population, therefore, was subject to military law.
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The day after Eyschen's death, Grand Duchess Marie-Adélaïde invited Mathias Mongenast, who had been Minister for Finance since 1882, to form a minority government. Mongenast's special status as a 'caretaker' Prime Minister is underlined by his official title; he was not 'President of the Government', as all other Prime Ministers since 1857 had been, but held the lesser title of 'President of the Council'. Mongenast's administration was never intended to be long-lived, and Marie-Adélaïde's main objective when appointing the experienced Mongenast was to steady the ship. Nevertheless, nobody expected the government to fall as soon as it did. On 4 November 1915, Mongenast nominated a new candidate for head of Luxembourg's école normale. The nomination did not meet with Grand Ducal approval, and Marie-Adélaïde rejected him. Mongenast persisted; education had been a hobby horse of his, and he imagined that the Grand Duchess would accept the advice of a minister as experienced as he was. He was wrong; the Grand Duchess had always been single-minded, and resented a minority Prime Minister, particularly one so new to the job, making demands of her. The next day, Mongenast resigned, just twenty-five days after being given the job.
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Thousands of Luxembourgers overseas, unconstrained by the Luxembourgish government's need to remain neutral, signed up to serve with foreign armies. 3,700 Luxembourgish nationals served in the French Army, of whom over 2,000 died. As Luxembourg's pre-war population was only 266,000, the loss of life solely in the service of the French army amounted to almost 1% of the entire Luxembourgish population, relatively greater than the totals for many combatant countries (see: World War I casualties). The Luxembourgish volunteers are commemorated by the Gëlle Fra (literally 'Golden Lady' ) war memorial, which was unveiled in Luxembourg City on 27 May 1923. The original memorial was destroyed on 20 October 1940, during the Nazi occupation, as it symbolised the rejection of German identity and active resistance against Germanisation. After World War II, it was gradually rebuilt, culminating in its second unveiling, on 23 June 1985.
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英文の訳が分かりません But it had also been suggested by the book that he had just taken out of the drawer. it was a peculiarly beautiful book. its smooth creamy paper, a little yellowed by age, was of a kind that had not been manufactured for at least forty years past. He could guess, however, that the book was much older than that. He had seen it lying in the window of a frowzy little junk-shop in a slummy quarter of the town ( just what quarter he did not now remember ) and had been stricken immediately by an overwhelming desire to possess it. party members were supposed not to go into ordinary shops ( ‘dealing on the free market ’, it was called), but the rule was not strictly kept, because there were various things such as shoelaces and razor blades which it was impossible to get hold of in any other way. He had given a quick glance up and down the street and then had slipped inside and bought the book for two dollars fifty. At the time he was not conscious of wanting it for any particular purpose He had carried it guiltily home in his briefcase. Even with nothing written in it, it was a com-promising possession この英文を全訳してもらえるとありがたいです。
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Just as the war was in the balance on the Western Front, so the fate of Luxembourg was see-sawing back and forth. It was clear to all that the good conduct of the Luxembourgish government, if fully receptive to the needs of the German military administrators, could guarantee Luxembourg's continued self-government, at least in the short-term. Eyschen was a familiar and overwhelmingly popular leader, and all factions put their utmost faith in his ability to steer Luxembourg through the diplomatic minefield that was occupation. On 4 August 1914, he expelled the French minister in Luxembourg at the request of the German minister, followed by the Belgian minister four days later and the Italian minister when his country entered the war. To the same end, Eyschen refused to speak ill of the German Zollverein, even though he had talked openly of exiting the customs union before the war began.
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