The Importance of Legal Protection for Property Ownership
- People need legal protection to own and dispose of property without the threat of confiscation by the state or mobs.
- Totalitarian societies with minimal individual property rights offer a lesser existence.
- The phrase 'de minimis' in Latin means 'minimal' or 'to the smallest extent.'
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As living requires physical property-food, clothing, homes- people need the legal protection to own and dispose of such property without the threat of arbitrary confiscation by the state or mobs in the street. To be sure, people have to, and do survive, in totalitarian, centrally planned societies where individual property rights are de minimis. But theirs is a lesser existence. 4行目のde minimis はラテン語で「最小限に」という意味です
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生活には、物質的な財産 ― 食物、衣類、家 ― が必要なので、人々は、国家や通りにいる暴徒によって勝手に没収される脅威にさらされることなく、彼らの財産を所有したり処分したりする法的保護を必要とします。 たしかに、個人の財産権が最小限しか許されない全体主義の中央計画的な社会でも、人々は生きて行かなければなりませんし、実際に生き抜いています。 しかし、彼らの財産権はより小さい存在です。
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But he postulated a change of human nature fostered by communism. It took many generations to prove him wrong. With the exception of a few diehards, none of today’s communist leaders hold to that orthodoxy. In the West, the moral validity of property rights is accepted, or at least acquiesced in, by virtually the whole of the population. This is true even in societies which are disdainful of competition. Attitudes toward property ownership are passed from one generation to the next through family values and education. These attitudes derive from the deepest values governing social interaction that people hold.
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In the age of abundance, the apparent availability of virtually all material necessities tended to lead people to expect speedy gratification of their desires and to have little sense of the length of time over which people in other times and places had had to wait in order to have some of their more basic material needs satisfied. お願いしますm(__)m
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Societies which recognize that pacta sunt servanda among their own members,do not find it difficult to recognize the advantages of fulfilling obligations and contacts in dealings with individuals and groups in different societies.The fact that all societies appear to recognize that there is an obligation to fulfil contacts,alongwith prudential advantage in fulfilling them (just as,it is often argued,they all recognize rules that limit violence among their members and enjoin respect for rights of property) provides a basis for the extension of the principle of the sanctity of contracts beyond the bounds of particular societies.
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Even in non-democratic societies where property rights are embraced, standards of living improve. But democracies with a free press and protection of minority rights have proved the most effective form to safeguard property rights, largely because democracies rarely allow discontent to rise to a point that leads to explosive changes in economic regimes. Capitalism under authoritarian rule, on the other hand, is inherently unstable because it forces aggrieved citizens to seek redress outside the law.
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There are therefore 192 subjects(forty per cent of the sample) whose happiness and domestic efficiency are to a greater or lesser extent dependent on the ready accessibility of their children or other relatives. No solution of the problems of old age will be acceptable to the people themselves or to their children which does not take the family factor into account. King, Sir Geoffrey, formerly Permanent Secretary, Ministry, of Pensions and National Insurance, "Policy and Practice", Old Age in the Modern World, 1995. Studies in other places such as Hammersmith, Acton, and Northern Ireland have also produced some evidence of close ties between old people and their relatives and of a willingness to bear the burden of nursing care. But the evidence gained in these inquiries was incidental to their main purposes. There has been no specialized study of the place of the old person in the family. Yet such detailed knowledge may be fundamental to any understanding of old age or of its problems. That is the starting point of this study. How often do old people see their children and their brothers and sisters, and do they live near or far? What services do relatives perform for each other every day and at times of crisis? What is the differences in family role of an old man and an old woman? Can a more precise meaning be given to loneliness and social isolation and what does it mean to be widowed, single, or childless? Is the status of old people undergoing change? Which old people make the greatest demand on the State aid or replace the efforts of the family? These are some of the questions which will be discussed in this report.
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翻訳サイトだと意味がおかしくなるので質問しました。 Later in this book I will describe information gained from other sources. Twelve old people in the sample were kind enough to keep a diary of their activities for a week in the spring of 1955. Four of these diaries are reproduced in an appendix. Special surveys were made of the social and family background of old people seeking help from the social services: a sample group of some 200 people originating in East London who spent the last period of their lives in L.C.C homes; and finally, 400 people being visited by home helps in Bethnal Green. The object of these surveys was, first, to explore the respective functions of relatives and of the social services in helping to meet the needs of old people, and second, to pinpoint those groups who make the heaviest demands on statutory and voluntary provision. In presenting the results I have tried throughout to keep individual people in the forefront. The research worker is so anxious to establish patterns, uniformities, and systems of social action that he is tempted to plan questionnaires that can be filled in simply and to confine his report largely to classificatory lists and tables of statistics. The uniqueness of each individual and each family is probably the fundamental difficulty about this. However those to be studied are selected, whether on grounds of likeness in age, situation, occupation, or class, once one meets them and behavior, relationships, attitude and interpretation. Standard questions, prepared beforehand, mean different things to different people; they are sometimes appropriate, sometimes inappropriate; by themselves they do not provide an adequate means of thoroughly investigating subjects as complex as this. Before one can apply or interpret the reliability of answers to set questions, one needs a fair idea of the most important relationships, activities, and characteristics of each person approached, important, that is, as they are judged by him. Too many of the principal features of social life might otherwise be missed or misrepresented. Although I believe with conviction that the methods of interviewing should be flexible and that reports on social research should convey the quality and diversity of individual and social behavior, I am not suggesting that the search for patterns of behavior, through statistical analysis and correlation, is not important. I am submitting only that once a social inquiry moves beyond simple description and measurement, for instance, of facts of a basically demographic kind, the build-up of statistics and indices of behavior becomes a subtle and complicated process that can only proceed in the context of a wide knowledge of the societies concerned. And such knowledge cannot be gained unless there is direct and continuous acquaintance with the people who are being studied.
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Regrettably, the notion of rights of ownership of capital and other income-earning assets remains conflicted, especially in societies that still believe that profit seeking is not quite moral. A key purpose of property rights, after all, is to protect assets in order to use them to profit or personally benefit. Such rights are not supportable in a society that holds any significant remnant of the view of property as “theft.” That notion embraced by Karl Marx rests on the presumption that gained wide acceptance in the first half of the twentieth century that wealth created under a division of labor is produced jointly, and hence should be owned collectively.
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I have chosen to begin this book with a description of the life of this one individual because he typifies what so many observers regard as the social "problem" of old age. In his case we would find it impossible to ignore the crucial facts of bereavement, absence of children and other relatives, infirmity, and virtual social ostracism. If we mean anything by isolation from society he must be the sort of person we keep in mind. But is he exception or rule? Are there many others like him in our society? Many sociologists and administrators believe there are. One administrator expressed it in these terms: Provision for old age has emerged as a "problem" largely because of the loosening of family ties and insistence on individual rights and privileges to the exclusion of obligations and duties which has developed so markedly in recent years. Whereas families used to accept responsibility for their old people they now expect the State to look after them. The care and attention which the family used to provide for them must be provided in some other way. The separation from kin is supposed to be one of the features which serves to differentiate the industrial from the so-called primitive societies. But do old people in Britain lose touch with their married children and lead an isolated life? Are the bonds of kinship of little or no consequence especially in urban areas? We have only to pose these questions to realize the meed for more facts. What few there are do not confirm many current suppositions. Sheldon, in a pioneering study, drew attention to the important part played by relatives of old people in Wolverhampton and said that too little was known about their role.
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People living in affluent societies today swim in a sea of redundant calories. Food is everywhere, and it is relatively inexpensive, accounting for about 10 percent of Americans' disposable income on average, Dr. Nestle said in an interview. "People who pay attention to calorie labels on menus are shocked, for example, to discover that a single cookie contains 700 calories," Dr. Nestle said. "You may want that cookie, but then you can't eat anything else. Cookies didn't used to be this big." The human body has a very complex and redundant system to make sure the brain gets the sugar calories it needs to function, Dr. Nestle and Dr. Nesheim explain in their book. At least 100 different hormones, enzymes and other chemicals - with more likely to be discovered - act to regulate appetite and to assure that people eat enough to maintain brain function. But it is these very systems that go into overdrive during starvation (translation: a reduced-calorie diet), making it so difficult for people to lose weight. As seductive as the current food environment is, it is still easier not to gain excess weight in the first place. Most people seriously underestimate how much they eat.
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Understanding Animal Research (the successor organization to the Research Defence Society, a group mentioned in the article) is dedicated to educating the public about animal research policies and procedures. Animal rights activists are represented by People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (PETA), a group who states that it “focuses its attention on the four areas in which the largest numbers of animals suffer the most intensely for the longest periods of time : on factory farms, in laboratories, in the clothing trade, and in the entertainment industry.” Another group, the Fund for the Replacement of Animals in Medical Experiments (FRAME), states its mission as “the total elimination of the need for any laboratory animal procedures, through the development, validation, and acceptance of replacement alternative methods.” Debate between public organizations such as those listed above has reduced the use of animals in experiments, led to refinements in procedures, and may well lead to the total replacement of animal models. Some extremists on the animal rights side, unfortunately, are not patient enough to work through this process. They “liberate” animals from research facilities, destroy labs and records, burn down houses of researchers and pharmaceutical company executives, and threaten further violence. The level of violence on the European continent increased in the first decade of the 21st century, and it is not clear if a crackdown on animal rights extremists in the UK contributed to this increase. よろしくお願いします＾＾；
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