The Beauty Industry's Unseen Racism: A Guilty Open Secret
- The beauty industry is facing accusations of racism, with a lack of diversity and representation of ethnic beauty in fashion magazines.
- A recent snapshot of fashion magazines revealed a disproportionate number of white models compared to ethnic models, particularly black models.
- The emergence of black supermodel Jourdan Dunn has brought attention to the issue, with Italian and American Vogue vying for her to be on their covers.
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和訳お願いします
大学の予習なんですが和訳お願いします。 THERE'S an open secret in the beauty industry and it's a guilty one: the industry is racist. And it seems a storm is set to break about this, exactly as it did over the size-zero campaign. You might imagine that, among fashionistas, beauty would be welcome in any from, and the more diverse, the better. But you would be wrong. these days, ethnic beauty is pretty much invisible. Last month, I took a quick snapshot of what you currently see in fashion magazines. I bought 25kg of glossies in random armfuls from a top newsagent; mainly British and American, but also several from Europe, as well as Japanese and Indian Vogue. All those kilograms added up to literally thousands of pages, and the result was conclusive. Compared to the vast numbers of white girls in them, there were hardly any ethnic models, and few of those were black. In all the editorial photoshoots and advertisements combined, there were only 163 ethnic women, and of thse only 14 were black. Admittedly, this sample is far from professional market research, but it is striking enough to be worth considering. The fashion world, on this evidence, has been screening ont ethnic beauty. The issue is reaching an anxious tipping point this month with the emergence of a new black supermodel, Jourdan Dunn, the 17-year-old British girl you see pictured on thse pages. She was discoverd last year while shopping in Primark, and photographers, stylists and editors believe she could go all the way. She is remarkable, and particularly so because she is black.Sarah Doukas, head of the Storm modelling agency, to which Jourdan is signed, (and who fomously discovered Kate Moss), says: “I'm very excited for her. I feel, if she does have great success, she will have a big effect on the way people look at different kinds of beauty.” Such is the heat around Dunn and the ethnic issue right now that, in an attempt to atave off accusations of inequality, both Italian and American Vogue have been fighting over her for their covers. Italian Vogue's entire July issue has been shot with black models (the last time it featured one on its cover was 2002); American Vogue has also shot Dunn for its July edition. Incidentally, the last time British Vogue had a black women (Naomi Campbell) on the cover was also in 2002. Doukas, who this year celebrates 21 years of Storm, says that when she first atarted out, there was plenty of diversity---not so now. “It's ridiculous that we have so little diversity in our idea of beauty,” she says.
- newaysandy
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公然の秘密がビューティ業界にあります、そして、それはやましいことろのあるものです： その産業は、人種差別的です。 そして、正にサイズ-ゼロ・キャンペーンについて突発したように、嵐がこれについて今にも突発しそうです。 あなたは、ファッション関係者の間では、どんな形でも、美を歓迎する、そして、多様であればある程、良いと想像するかもしれない。 しかし、あなたは間違えるでしょう。 最近、民族の美はほとんど目に付きません。 先月、私は、服飾雑誌であなた達が現在目にするものに関して、素早い調査をしました。 私は、一番の新聞雑誌販売店から無作為に両腕いっぱいで25kgの豪華誌を買いました;主に、英国と米国の、しかし、ヨーロッパの物も数冊、また、日本とインドのヴォーグもありました。 すべてのそれらの重さは、文字通り数千ページに上りました、そして、結果は決定的でした。 それらのなかの白人の女の子の膨大な数と比較して、少数民族のモデルはほとんどいませんでした、そして、黒人もほとんどいませんでした。 本文の写真と広告を合わせて、少数民族の女性は、わずか163人でした、そして、これらのうち、黒人は、わずか14人でした。 明らかに、このサンプルは決して専門な市場調査ではありません、しかし、それは、十分著しいので、考慮する価値があります。 ファッション界は、この証拠に基づけば、少数民族の美人をふるいにかけていました。 あなたがこれらのページ上で撮影されているのを見かける17才の英国の女の子、新しい黒人のスーパーモデル、ジュールダン・ダンの出現に関して、問題は今月、心配な臨界点に辿り着いています。 彼女は、昨年、プリマークで買い物をしている時、発見されました、そして、カメラマン、スタイリストと編集者は彼女が成功できるだろうと思っています。 彼女は注目に値します、黒人なので、特にそうです。 ジュールダンが、契約しているストーム・モデル事務所の社長、 サラ・ドゥカス（ケイト・モスを見つけたことで有名です）は、言います：「私は、彼女のために非常に興奮しています。彼女に大成功があるならば、彼女は、人々が異なる種類の美しさの見方に、大きい影響を及ぼすと、私は感じています。」 ダンと民族の問題を取り巻く熱気は、現在、大変なものなので、不平等の告発をそごうとして、イタリアとアメリカのヴォーグが彼らの紙面のために彼女をめぐって戦っていたようなものです。 イタリアのヴォーグの7月号は、全て、黒人モデルの写真でした。（この前、それが紙面で黒人モデルを特集したのは、2002年でした）;アメリカのヴォーグも、その7月号のためにダンを撮影しています。 ちなみに、この前、英国のヴォーグが紙面で黒人女性（ナオミ・キャンベル）を使ったのも、2002年でした。 ドゥカスは、彼女は今年ストームを設立して21年になりますが、彼女が最初に始めたとき、多くの多様性があったと言います ― 現在は、そうではありません。 「我々には美しさについての考えで、それほど多様性が少ないのは、馬鹿げています」と、彼女は言います。
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- taishokunn
- ベストアンサー率14% (41/275)
大学生は自分で勉強するのがいいのでは。 もしいやなら、塾に通ってくだちゃい。 私は１年次には塾でおしえていまちた。 By hamutaro
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- 和訳お願いします
和訳お願いします In the 1960s and 1970s, ethnic women were much more visible in fashion. That was a time of exuberance and change; the time of the Black Power movement, the mantra “black is beautiful”, Roberta Flack singing Be Real Black for Me. This mood continued into the 1980s, with models such as Iman, Pat Cleveland and the young Campbell splashed everywhere. Fashionistas will admit that it is now extremely rare to see a black girl on a magazine cover, and that there were almost no ethnic girls at the catwalk shows in Paris, Milan and New York in February. One or two Chinese models made it, but otherwise, the Aryan look dominated. The question is: why? The standard answer is that it all comes down to money. Beauty is what sell---the magazine, the label, the skincare and the bag. Editors and managers say that, however much they want to use ethnic girls, putting one on the cover of a glossy magazine will depress sales. If ethnic women brought in big profits, nobody in the industry would be in the slightest bit interested in their skin tones or their racial type. Rightly or wrongly, though women from ethnic minorities are considered a bad commercial bet. As one insider said to me regretfully:“Fashion is aspirational, magazines are aspirational and, to aspire, you need to be able to identify with someone---at least a little. And readers don't identify with ethnic women. They don't see them as aspirational.” So,neither the editors nor the advertisers will take any risks on them. This is particularly true in new markets---marketing aimed at the new mega-rich consumers in China and Russia cannot afford to ignore the fact that those countries are more racist than the west. I'm sceptial about this view. If the assumption that ethnic beauty is unprofitable is right, you would expect advertisers to be even more reluctant to use ethnic models than magazine editors. Editors can afford to take a few risks, perhaps, as fashion leaders, whereas advertisers are much more reactionary, driven by the pursuit of profit. Yet in my snapshot of April magazines, is was the advertisers who were using more ethnic girls. In all those kilograms of pases, there were only four black women in editorial fashion shoots, and 10 Asian women, whereas there were 71 black women and 48 Asian in advertisements. Four black women in editorials against 71 in advertisements is a striking contrast. It suggest that, in reality, ethnic beauty has greater commercial value than the fashion mavens assume, and that the market has latched onto is first. As Hilary Riva, chief executive of the British Fashion Council, points out: “It is important that we see aspirational imagines of all type of women in the media. One of the biggest UK ad campaigns, for M&S, has done just that.” Perhaps the punters are a bit less racist than the pundits. This is only speculation, but it is hard to find much else about this extremely awkward question. British Vogue refuses point black to comment, and most people I contacted preferred to talk off the record. One suggestion is that the absence, particularly of black girls with African features, has to do with the tiny minority of people who make the fashion weather: the arbiters of fashion. These are the top casting agents and designers who decide whom to send on photoshoots and the catwalks, and many of them are gay white men. I'm told they really don't like black women. again, the question is, why? Or, rather, why not? As ever, if it's not something to do with money, it is probably something to do with sex
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- 和訳お願いします
In the 1960s and 1970s, ethnic women were much more visible in fashion. That was a time of exuberance and change; the time of the Black Power movement, the mantra “black is beautiful”, Roberta Flack singing Be Real Black for Me. This mood coutinued into the 1980s, with models such as Iman, Pat Cleveland and the young Campbell splashed everywhere. Fashionistas will admit that it is now extremely rare to see a black girl on a magazine cover, and that there were almost no ethnic girls at the catwalk shows in Paris, Milan and New York in February. One or two Chinese models made it, but otherwise, the Aryan look dominated. The question is: why? The standard answer is that it all comes down to money. Beauty is what sell---the magazine, the label, the skincare and the bag. Editors and managers say that, however much they want to use ethnic girls, putting one on the cover of a glossy magazine will depress sales. If ethnic women brought in big profits, nobody in the industry would be in the slightest bit interested in their skin tones or their racial type. Rightly or wrongly, though women from ethnic minorities are considered a bad commercial bet. As one insider said to me regretfully:“Fashion is aspirational, magazines are aspirational and, to aspire, you need to be able to identify with someone---at least a little. And readers don't identify with ethnic women. They din't see them as aspirational.” So,neither the editors nor the advertisers will take any risks on them. This is particularly true in new markets---marketing aimed at the new mega-rich consumers in China and Russia cannot afford to ignore the fact that those countries are more racist than the west. I'm sceptial about this view. If the assumption that ethnic beauty is unprofitable is right, you would expect advertisers to be even more reluctant to use ethnic models than magazine editors. Editors can afford to take a few risks, perhaps, as fashion leaders, whereas advertisers are much more reactionary, driven by the pursuit of profit. Yet in my snapshot of April magazines, is was the advertisers who were using more ethnic girls. In all those kilograms of pases, there were only four black women in editorial fashion shoots, and 10 Asian women, whereas there were 71 black women and 48 Asian in advertisements. Four black women in editorials against 71 in advertisements is a striking contrast. It suggest that, in reality, ethnic beauty has greater commercial value than the fashion mavens assume, and that the market has latched onto is first. As Hilary Riva, chief executive of the British Fashion Council, points out: “It is important that we see aspirational imagines of all type of women in the media. One of the biggest UK ad campaigns, for M&S, has done just that.” Perhaps the punters are a bit less racist than the pundits. This is only speculation, but it is hard to find much else about this extremely awkward question. British Vogue refuses point black to comment, and most people I contacted preferred to talk off the record. One suggestion is that the absence, particularly of black girls with African features, has to do with the tiny minority of people who make the fashion weather: the arbiters of fashion. These are the top casting agents and designers who decide whom to send on photoshoots and the catwalks, and many of them are gay white men. I'm told they really don't like black women. again, the question is, why? Or, rather, why not? As ever, if it's not something to do with money, it is probablysomething to do with sex. よろしくお願いします。
- 締切済み
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This, however, can only be part of the explanation. There is also evidence that ethnic women have been ambivalent about their own kind of look for many years. For decades, women with dark skin the world over have tried to make their skin paler or their hair straighter, sometimes with dangerous chemicals. The model Alek Wek recently told Vogue India that, in her native Sudan, her dark skin is looked down on by lighter-skinned Sudanese. “What is this obsession with pigment?” she asked. Marriage adverts in India newspapers unselfconsciously express a preference for fair or wheat-coloured skin in women. Japanese and Chinese women regularly have cosmetic operations to remove the fold of skin above their eyes, so they look more like a “round-eyed” European, and dye their hair blonde. As Doukas said of a photoshoot in Japan recently: “The girls just didn't look Japanese. It was very sad.” Indeed, in my copy of Japanese Vogue, there was a total absence of Japanese models. “I am black but comely,” says the beautiful women in the Old Testament's Song of Songs. Why the “but”? There are, of course, issues of status and power tied up in all this. Most dark-skinned people have been colonised or overrun by pale-skinned people. Pale, in folk memory, means power and wealth, and this has been deeply internalised. Perhaps this is partly why there is some resistance among black and other ethnic women themsolves to dark-skinned beauty, even now; perhaps they themselves find something else more aspirational. Things may, though be beginning to change. The fuss over Jourdan Dunn and her distinctive black beauty may be a sign of the times, a renewed interest in diverse kinds of beauty. “Globally, I think a huge change is about to happen,” Doukas concluedes. “I'm optimistic. I think people will come to feel again that diversity is much more interesting than the rather bland, generic look we've seen so much of for so long.” よろしくお願いします。
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This, however, can only be part of the explanation. There is also evidence that ethnic women have been ambivalent about their own kind of look for many years. For decades, women with dark skin the world over have tried to make their skin paler or their hair straighter, sometimes with dangerous chemicals. The model Alek Wek recently told Vogue India that, in her native Sudan, her dark skin is looked down on by lighter-skinned Sudanese. “What is this obsession with pigment?” she asked. Marriage adverts in India newspapers unselfconsciously express a preference for fair or wheat-coloured skin in women. Japanese and Chinese women regularly have cosmetic operations to remove the fold of skin above their eyes, so they look more like a “round-eyed” European, and dye their hair blonde. As Doukas said of a photoshoot in Japan recently: “The girls just didn't look Japanese. It was very sad.” Indeed, in my copy of Japanese Vogue, there was a total absence of Japanese models. “I am black but comely,” says the beautiful women in the Old Testament's Song of Songs. Why the “but”? よろしくお願いします。
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When Lusitania was built, her construction and operating expenses were subsidised by the British government, with the proviso that she could be converted to an armed merchant cruiser (AMC) if need be. A secret compartment was designed in for the purpose of carrying arms and ammunition. When war was declared she was requisitioned by the British Admiralty as an armed merchant cruiser, and she was put on the official list of AMCs. Lusitania remained on the official AMC list and was listed as an auxiliary cruiser in the 1914 edition of Jane's All the World's Fighting Ships, along with Mauretania. The Declaration of Paris codified the rules for naval engagements involving civilian vessels. The so-called Cruiser Rules required that the crew and passengers of civilian ships be safeguarded in the event that the ship is to be confiscated or sunk. These rules also placed some onus on the ship itself, in that the merchant ship had to be flying its own flag, and not pretending to be of a different nationality. Also, it had to stop when confronted and allow itself to be boarded and searched, and it was not allowed to be armed or to take any hostile or evasive actions. When war was declared, British merchant ships were given orders to ram submarines that surfaced to issue the warnings required by the Cruiser Rules. At the outbreak of hostilities, fears for the safety of Lusitania and other great liners ran high. During the ship's first east-bound crossing after the war started, she was painted in a grey colour scheme in an attempt to mask her identity and make her more difficult to detect visually. Many of the large liners were laid up in 1914–1915, in part due to falling demand for passenger travel across the Atlantic, and in part to protect them from damage due to mines or other dangers. Among the most recognisable of these liners, some were eventually used as troop transports, while others became hospital ships. Lusitania remained in commercial service; although bookings aboard her were by no means strong during that autumn and winter, demand was strong enough to keep her in civilian service. Economising measures were taken. One of these was the shutting down of her No. 4 boiler room to conserve coal and crew costs; this reduced her maximum speed from over 25 knots (46 km/h; 29 mph) to 21 knots (39 km/h; 24 mph). With apparent dangers evaporating, the ship's disguised paint scheme was also dropped and she was returned to civilian colours. Her name was picked out in gilt, her funnels were repainted in their traditional Cunard livery, and her superstructure was painted white again. One alteration was the addition of a bronze/gold coloured band around the base of the superstructure just above the black paint.
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先日、サンタクロースについての本？を貰ったのですが、英語が全く分からない私は 全然理解できませんでした(>_<) どうか、長いですが訳していただけたら嬉しいです A red suit and a long white bread. Big black boots and a bag full of toys. A giant sleigh pulled b eight flying reindeer. This is the image most Americans --- and now Japanese, too – have of Santa Claus. Look at this 1921 Christmas card from Finland. Carrying a pig with a ribbon around its neck seems like a strange thing for Santa to do. Is the pig a gift? It’s hard for us to say. In the next card, from 1941, it’s another pig which is pulling Santa Claus’ sleigh, instead of reindeer. You see, there is more than one way to imagine Santa Claus. We will never forget waking up to find gifts from Santa. Nowadays, children all over the world believe in Santa, no matter what religion they follow. But in the beginning, it was quite different. Most historians agree that the original Santa Claus was a Christian bishop named Saint Nicholas, who lived in Turkey in the fourth century. Saint Nicholas was said to be especially kind to children, giving them gold coins. In Scandinavian countries, pigs were thought to symbolize fertility. When the story of Saint Nicholas came to Finland, it was mixed in with their old custom of offering pigs to the gods. In this way, people from different cultures developed various original Saint Nicholas images and legends. As time went by, different European cultures added their own touches to the Saint Nicholas story. In 17th century Germany, for example, Saint Nicholas’ Day evolved from a village festival into a family event. They also introduced the idea of the season, the first tree was placed in the living room of an individual home in 1605. In the Netherlands, children were told that Saint Nicholas flew on a white house, and came down the chimney into the living room. While they were sleeping, he put gifts in their wooden shoes. Scandinavians later added the white fur we now see on his hat and coat. In Britain, Saint Nicholas was given the name Father Christmas, translated from the French “Pére Noël.” The Dutch called him Sinterklaas, from which we got the Americans name Santa Claus. In 1822 an American named Clement Clarke Moore wrote the poem, “A Visit from St. Nicholas” for his children. Here people finally began to imagine Santa Claus as a happy, elderly man in a sleigh led by eight reindeer. In the 1850s, the cartoonist Thomas Nast provided the first images of the “modern” Santa in a series of magazine illustrations. Tracing Santa’s American past is easy; he comes from the words of Moore and the imagination of Nast. 大変申し訳ございません
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There was a progressive improvement in horsemanship during the summer and autumn of 1916 indicated by the small number of animals evacuated from the Anzac Mounted Division after the strenuous marching and fighting from August following the Battle of Romani and during the capture of El Arish and the Battle of Magdaba. This improvement was augmented by regular inspections by administrative veterinary officers when the advice offered was followed by regimental commanders. During the year the average loss of sick horses and mules from the Sinai front was approximately 640 per week. They were transported in train loads of thirty trucks, each holding eight horses. Animals which died or were destroyed while on active service were buried 2 miles (3.2 km) from the nearest camp unless this was not practicable. In this case the carcasses were transported to suitable sites away from troops, where they were disembowelled and left to disintegrate in the dry desert air and high temperatures. Animals which died or were destroyed in veterinary units at Kantara, Ismalia, Bilbeis, and Quesna were dealt with in this way and after four days’ drying in the sun, the carcases were stuffed with straw and burnt, after the skins were salved. These were sold to local contractors.
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英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします！！ Of the buildings in the forum area, it is in conceivable that the colonists did not make changes to the dominant temple at the northern end. Even if this was already dedicated to Jupiter, there was probably now a rebuilding that laid emphasis on the Capitoline version of that god’s cult, in which Jupiter shared honours with Juno and Minerva. It may have been at this stage that the base for the cult-statue within the temple was radically re-designed and monumentalized. At the south end of the forum the Comitium, or voting enclosure, though perhaps begun in the pre-colonial period, was brought to completion in the first years of the colony. Much of the building work of the colonists was carried out in a distinctive technique of quasi reticulatum in black lava with cornering in brickwork(often arranged to form a series of superposed wedges).
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The 1910 census The last census before the Treaty of Trianon was held in 1910. This census recorded population by language and religion, but not by ethnicity. However, it is generally accepted that the largest ethnic group in the Kingdom of Hungary in this time were the Hungarians. According to the 1910 census, speakers of the Hungarian language included approximately 48% of the entire population of the kingdom, and 54% of the population of the territory referred to as "Hungary proper", i.e. excluding Croatia-Slavonia. Within the borders of "Hungary proper" numerous ethnic minorities were present: 16.1% Romanians, 10.5% Slovaks, 10.4% Germans, 2.5% Ruthenians, 2.5% Serbs and 8% others. 5% of the population of "Hungary proper" were Jews, who were included in speakers of the Hungarian language. The population of the autonomous Croatia-Slavonia was mostly composed of Croats and Serbs (who together counted 87% of population). Criticism of the 1910 census The census of 1910 classified the residents of the Kingdom of Hungary by their native languages and religions, so it presents the preferred language of the individual, which may or may not correspond to the individual's ethnic identity. To make the situation even more complex, in the multilingual kingdom there were territories with ethnically mixed populations where people spoke two or even three languages natively. For example, in the territory what is today Slovakia (then part of Upper Hungary) 18% of the Slovaks, 33% of the Hungarians and 65% of the Germans were bilingual. In addition, 21% of the Germans spoke both Slovak and Hungarian beside German. These reasons are ground for debate about the accuracy of the census. While several demographers (David W. Paul, Peter Hanak, László Katus) state that the outcome of the census is reasonably accurate (assuming that it is also properly interpreted), others believe that the 1910 census was manipulated by exaggerating the percentage of the speakers of Hungarian, pointing to the discrepancy between an improbably high growth of the Hungarian-speaking population and the decrease of percentual participation of speakers of other languages due to Magyarization in the kingdom in the late 19th century. For example, the 1921 census in Czechoslovakia (only one year after the Treaty of Trianon) shows 21% Hungarians in Slovakia , compared to 30% based on 1910 census. Some Slovak demographers (such as Ján Svetoň [sk] and Julius Mesaros) dispute the result of every pre-war census. Owen Johnson, an American historian, accepts the numbers of the earlier censuses up to the one in 1900, according to which the proportion of the Hungarians was 51.4%, but he neglects the 1910 census as he thinks the changes since the last census are too big. It is also argued that there were different results in previous censuses in the Kingdom of Hungary and subsequent censuses in the new states.
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