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Raman Optical Activity of Flagellar Filaments of Salmonella: Unusually Intense ROA from L-Type Self-Assembled Protein Filaments and Their Possible Higher Level Chiral Organization
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ぼくは専門外なので，テクニカル・タームはあなたの訳のまま使います。 Ｌ-タイプ自己組織化タンパク質フィラメント（場合によってはより高次のキラル組織にいたる）からの非常に強いＲＯＡ possible は，あなたが書くとおり「～の可能性もある」という意味を持つでしょう。この例文では，「Ｌ-タイプ自己組織化タンパク質フィラメント」だけだと断言するのは躊躇され，より高次の分子構造になっている場合もあるかもしれない，という含みのように読めます。ぼくの訳では「但し書き」として（ ）に入れました。
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- いつもお世話になっています．どなたか添削してください．
いつもお世話になっています．どなたか添削してください． 医療系雑誌の英文を和訳しました．宜しくお願いします．ちなみにQNo.6079855の続きです． Raman spectroscopy is increasingly being used for skin research and as the basis for the development of skin diagnostics. Insight in the molecular composition of the skin was provided by in vitro as well as in vivo Raman spectroscopy (Wiliams et al. 1994 Fendel 1997 Gniadecke et al. 1998 Caspars et al. 2001). This technique supplied in vivo evidence for the accumulation of H2O2 and L-phenylealanine in skin in vitiligo, supporting earlier observation concerning the pathophysiologic mechanism of this disease (Schallreuter et al. 1998,1999) Hata et al. (2000) used the technique to determine the carotenoid concentration in skin and reported that this concentration correlates with the presence or absence of skin cancer and preccancerous lesions. In a number of in vitro studies spectral differences have been reported between neoplastic tissue and normal tissue of the brain, breast, colon, larynx, and cervix (Mizuno et al. 1994 Frank et al. 1995; Mahadevan-Jansen et al. 1998; Stone et al. 2000). For both colon and breast tissue Raman spectroscopy was used to discriminate between histologically normal tissue and cancerous tissue (Manoharan et al. 1995; Frank et al. 1995) ラマン分光法は皮膚の研究さらには皮膚診断法開発にますます使用されている．in vivoおよびin vitroラマン分光法により皮膚の分子構造が考察された（Wiliams et al. 1994 Fendel 1997 Gniadecke et al. 1998 Caspars et al. 2001）．このin vivo技術により，皮膚の白斑中のＨ２Ｏ２およびＬ－フェニルアラニンの蓄積が示された．そしてこの技術はこの疾病の病態生理学的機構に関する診察の前に確証する（判定できる）（Schallreuter ET al.1998, 1999）．Hataら（2000）は皮膚中のカロチノイドの濃度を測定するためにこの技術を使用し、この（カロチノイド）の濃度が皮膚癌および前癌性病変の有無と相関関係にあるということの根拠を報告した．in vitro研究において、脳、胸部、結腸（大腸）、咽頭および頚部（首）の腫瘍性細胞と正常組織のスペクトルの差異が報告されている（Mizuno et al. 1994 Frank et al. 1995; Mahadevan-Jansen et al. 1998; Stone et al. 2000）．結腸（大腸）と胸部組織両方に関して、ラマンスペクトルは組織学的に正常な細胞と癌細胞を識別するために使用された（Manchran et al. 1995 Frank et al. 1995）．
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- 英文（医療系論文）和訳です どなたか添削してくださ
いつもお世話になっています．今回は少し意訳も加えてみました．（ ）内が意訳ですが，相変わらずしっくりしません．宜しくお願いします． In this study, KCA was repeated with an increasing number of clusters, as long as the final cluster means showed differences clearly above noise level and the clusters contained more than 10 spectra. In this way, the optimal number of clusters can be determined that account for the variance in the tissue Raman spectra at the spatial resolution used in the Raman experiments. After KCA, a different color was assigned to each cluster. Each grid element of the Raman map was then assigned the color of the particular cluster to which its spectrum belonged. In this way a pseudo-color-image of the frozen section was created, in which areas with similar spectra had the same color. This pseudo-color image was then compared with the H&E-stained tissue section. 本研究において，ＫＳＡは最終的なクラスターの平均が，ノイズレベルの上の明らかな差異がみられる間，あるいは，１０スペクトル以上を含んでいる限りくり返された．（本研究において，クラスターの平均がノイズレベル以上の明らかな差異があるか，クラスターが１０スペクトル以上ある場合ＫＳＡをくり返した．） 本法において、クラスターの最適な数は、組織変化のラマンスペクトルの説明にラマン実験に使用したラマンスペクトルの空間分解能を決定できる．（本法において，組織変化説明のための実験に使用したラマンスペクトルの空間分解能はクラスターの数で決まる．） ＫＣＡの後，異なる色はそれぞれのクラスターに割振られた．（ＫＣＡの後，各クラスターに色を割りつけた．） 次に，ラマンマップの各格子素子はそれぞれの属するスペクトルの個々のクラスターの色に割振られた．（次に，各クラスターに割りつけた色で，ラマンマップの各格子素子を色づけした．） この方法において，凍結切片の擬似カラーイメージは作成されたが，類似スペクトルの領域は同じ色だった．擬似カラーイメージングはＨ＆Ｌ染色組織切片と比較された．（この方法で，凍結切片の擬似カラーイメージング（類似スペクトルの領域は同じ色で）を作成した．擬似カラーイメージングをＨ＆Ｌ染色した組織切片と比較した．）
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- 医療系論文の和訳です．どなたか添削してください．
いつもながらしっくりしません． 宜しくお願いすます． Raman data For each sample, an area on the cryosection was selected for Raman measurements, containing BCC, dermis, and/or epidermis. This area was scanned in two dimensions using a step size of 10 mm. Laser light of 100 mW was focused on the tissue section to a spot of about 1 mm in diameter. The signal collection time for each pixel was 10 s, during which time the pixel area (of 10 ×10 mm2) was scanned through the laser focus so as to obtain a pixel-averaged Raman spectrum. The selected area varied from 0.05 mm2 (500 spectra) to 0.4 mm2 (4000spectra), depending on the size of the biopsy．Wave number calibration, subtraction of the background signal, cosmic ray removal, and intensity correction for the wave number dependent signal detection efficiency of the setup were performed as described previously (Wolthuis et al, 1999).Construction of Raman pseudo-color image In order to construct a pseudo-color image, spectra obtained from each sample were analyzed separately. Principal components analysis was performed on the Raman spectra, to orthogonalize and reduce the number of parameters needed to represent the variance in the spectral data set (Jollife, 1986). The first 100 principal components were calculated, typically accounting for more than 95% to up to 99% of the variation in the data set. 各試料について冷却部分（冷却区域）はBCCを含む真皮および／または上皮（表皮）をラマン測定のために選択された．領域は１０μｍのステップサイズを使用し，二次元で走査された．100ｍWのレーザ光は，直径１μｍのスポットサイズに（まで）組織切片に焦点を合わせた． ～ to a spot of about 1 μｍ in diameter. のtoの訳し方は？ 各画素に関する信号収集時間は１０秒だった．←？ 生検試料のサイズにより選択されたエリアは0.05mm２（500スペクトル）から0.4mm２(4000スペクトル)に変えられた．波数の校正および感度の補正 波数の校正，バックグランド信号の減算，宇宙線の除去および装置の波数に依存する信号検出効率に関する強度補正は，以前述べた（Wolthuisら1999）ように実行された． ラマン（擬）カラー画像の作図 擬カラー画像を作図するために，各試料から得られたスペクトルは別個に解析された． （別訳：擬カラー画像を解釈するために，各試料から得られたスペクトルは別々に解析された．←この場合は違うと思いますが…可能でしょうか） 主成分分析はスペクトルデータセットにおける変化を直行および説明するために必要されるパラメータの数を圧縮するためにラマンスペクトルに対して行われた（Jollife 1986）．
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In the words of Christopher J. Walker, had the Armenians lost this battle, "it is perfectly possible that the word Armenia would have henceforth denoted only an antique geographical term." In January 1918, two months after the Bolshevik seizure of power in Russia, the Sovnarkom, the highest government authority under the Bolshevik system, issued a decree which called for the withdrawal of Russian troops from the Caucasus Front. This move threw the Armenian leadership in the Transcaucasia into a panic, since it removed from the region the only force capable of protecting the Armenian people from the Ottoman Empire, which had effectively exterminated its Armenian population through systematic massacres and deportations. The Armenians refused to recognize the authority of the Bolsheviks and attempted to form military units to defend the front as the Ottoman armies prepared to expand eastward. The Armenians attempted to stall the Ottoman advance as they created a small Armenian army to take up the positions the Russians had abandoned. General Tovmas Nazarbekian was selected as its commanding officer and Drastamat Kanayan was appointed as civilian commissar. But in May 1918, just two months after the Brest-Litovsk Peace Treaty was concluded with the Russian SFSR, elements of the Ottoman Third Army crossed into Eastern Armenia and attacked Alexandropol (modern-day Gyumri). The Ottoman Army intended to crush Armenia and seize Russian Transcaucasia and the oil wells of Baku. The German government, the Ottoman Empire's ally, objected to this attack and refused to help the Ottoman Army in the operation. At this time, only a small area of historical Armenian territory which used to be a part of the Russian Empire remained unconquered by the Ottoman Empire, and into that area hundreds of thousands of Armenian refugees had fled after the Armenian Genocide. The Ottoman Forces began a three-pronged attack in an attempt to finally overwhelm and conquer the rest of Armenia. When Alexandropol fell, the Ottoman Army moved into the former territory of the Yerevan guberniia – the heart of Armenia. The Ottoman offensive was viewed by Armenians with foreboding. With nowhere else left to retreat, they decided to make their stand and prepare for the upcoming battle: Catholicos Gevorg V ordered that church bells peal for six days as Armenians from all walks of life – peasants, poets, blacksmiths, and even the clergymen – rallied to form organized military units.
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House's views Wilson's former friend Edward Mandell House, present at the negotiations, wrote in his diary on 29 June 1919: I am leaving Paris, after eight fateful months, with conflicting emotions. Looking at the conference in retrospect, there is much to approve and yet much to regret. It is easy to say what should have been done, but more difficult to have found a way of doing it. To those who are saying that the treaty is bad and should never have been made and that it will involve Europe in infinite difficulties in its enforcement, I feel like admitting it. But I would also say in reply that empires cannot be shattered, and new states raised upon their ruins without disturbance. To create new boundaries is to create new troubles. The one follows the other. While I should have preferred a different peace, I doubt very much whether it could have been made, for the ingredients required for such a peace as I would have were lacking at Paris. China Many in China felt betrayed as the German territory in China was handed to Japan. Wellington Koo refused to sign the treaty and the Chinese delegation at the Paris Peace Conference was the only nation that did not sign the Treaty of Versailles at the signing ceremony. The sense of betrayal led to great demonstrations in China like the May 4th movement and the fall of the nascent Chinese Republic's government[when?] and poisoned relations with the West. There was immense dissatisfaction with Duan Qirui’s government, which had secretly negotiated with the Japanese in order to secure loans to fund their military campaigns again the south. On 29 April, the German delegation under the leadership of the Foreign Minister Ulrich Graf von Brockdorff-Rantzau arrived in Versailles. On 7 May, when faced with the conditions dictated by the victors, including the so-called "War Guilt Clause", von Brockdorff-Rantzau replied to Clemenceau, Wilson and Lloyd George: "We know the full brunt of hate that confronts us here. You demand from us to confess we were the only guilty party of war; such a confession in my mouth would be a lie." Because Germany was not allowed to take part in the negotiations, the German government issued a protest against what it considered to be unfair demands, and a "violation of honour",soon afterwards withdrawing from the proceedings of the peace conference. Germans of all political shades denounced the treaty—particularly the provision that blamed Germany for starting the war—as an insult to the nation's honor. They referred to the treaty as "the Diktat" since its terms were presented to Germany on a take-it-or-leave-it basis. Germany′s first democratically elected head of government, Philipp Scheidemann, resigned rather than sign the treaty. In a passionate speech before the National Assembly on 21 March 1919, he called the treaty a "murderous plan" and exclaimed, Which hand, trying to put us in chains like these, would not wither? The treaty is unacceptable.
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Moreover, 13 divisions, equipped with 6000 trucks, were organized in a central reserve, ready to be sent where it was needed.General Diaz learned the exact timing of the Austrian attack: 3:00 a.m. on 15 June, so at 2:30 a.m., the Italian artillery opened fire all along their front on the crowded enemy trenches, inflicting heavy casualties. In some sectors the artillery barrage had the effect of delaying or stopping the attack, as Austrian soldiers began to retreat to their defensive positions, believing they had to face an unexpected Italian attack, but on the greater part of the front the Austrians still attacked. Boroević launched the first assault, moving South along the Adriatic coast and in the middle course of the Piave River. The Austrians were able to cross the Piave and gained a bridgehead 15 miles (24 km) wide and 5 miles (8.0 km) deep in the face of Italian heavy resistance, before Boroević was finally stopped and forced to order a retreat. On the subsequent days Boroević renewed the assault, but the artillery barrage destroyed many of the river's bridges and the Austrian formations that crossed the river were unable to receive reinforcement and supplies. To make matters worse, the swollen Piave isolated a great number of units on the west bank of the river, which made them an easy target for the Italian fire. An estimated 20,000 Austro-Hungarian soldiers drowned while trying to reach the east bank. On 19 June, Diaz counterattacked and hit Boroević in the flank, inflicting heavy casualties. In the meantime Conrad attacked along the Italian lines west of Boroević on the Asiago Plateau (on 15 June), with the objective of capturing Vicenza. His forces gained some ground, but came upon stiff resistance by Italian units; 40,000 casualties were added to the Austrian total. In the aftermath, Boroević was particularly critical about the behavior of Conrad who, after the complete failure of the first attack, preferred to continue the assaults in the subsequent days but with diminished strength, rather than send reinforcements to the Piave sector. Lacking supplies and facing attacks by armored units, the Austro-Hungarians were ordered to retreat by Emperor Karl, who had taken personal command, on 20 June. By 23 June, the Italians recaptured all territory on the southern bank of the Piave and the battle was over.After the Austrian retreat Diaz was pressed by the allies, particularly by General Ferdinand Foch, to press on and try an assault to break the Austrian defences and gain a decisive victory over the Empire.
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The U.S. attack was unsuccessful. Monash asked Rawlinson for permission to delay the main attack due on 29 September, but this was refused because of the priority given to Marshal Ferdinand Foch's strategy of keeping the Germans under the relentless pressure of coordinated assaults along the front. As a result of the confusion created by the failed attack (with the corps command being unsure of where the American troops were), the battle on 29 September on the American 27th Division front had to be started without the customary (and highly effective) close artillery support. The British artillery commander argued that attempting to alter the barrage timetable at this late stage would cause problems and the American divisional commander Major General John F. O'Ryan was also concerned about the possibility of friendly fire. All of the Allied commanders therefore agreed to proceed with the original artillery fire plan. The result was that the barrage would now start at the originally-intended jump-off point, some 900 m (1,000 yd) beyond the actual starting point of the infantry, leaving them very vulnerable during their initial advance. 27th Division was required to make an advance greater than any that had been asked of its highly experienced Australian allies, an advance of some 4,500 m (5,000 yd) in a single action. In an attempt to compensate for the lack of a creeping barrage Rawlinson provided additional tanks. However, the absence of a creeping barrage in the 27th Division sector was to have a very detrimental effect on the initial operations of the battle on the front opposite the tunnel. Soldiers of the 30th American Infantry Division and the 15th Australian Brigade (5th Australian Division) at the southern entrance of the Bellicourt Tunnel at Riqueval near Bellicourt. It was captured by the 30th American Division on 29 September 1918. (Photographed 4 October 1918). Main assault of 29 September Brigadier General J V Campbell addressing troops of the 137th Brigade (46th Division) from the Riqueval Bridge over the St Quentin Canal The battle was preceded by the greatest British artillery bombardment of the war. Some 1,600 guns were deployed (1,044 field guns and 593 heavy guns and howitzers), firing almost one million shells over a comparatively short period of time. Included in these were more than 30,000 mustard gas shells (the first use of a British-made version of this weapon). These were specifically targeted at headquarters and groups of batteries. Many of the high explosive shells fired had special fuses which made them very effective in destroying the German barbed wire.
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At first he assumed they were some of his own men retiring from the outer posts, but when they reached the wire and began to cut it, he at once gave the order to open rapid fire. The German battalions forming the centre of the attacking force made a considerable advance circling over the Vale position and across Abu Tellul; establishing a post on Abu Tellul East and then pushing on to eastern side; to The Bluff where they occupied a post with their backs to Kh al Beiyudak. This move cut off all the Light Horse posts at Vyse and on Mussallabeh as well as those on The Bluff and Abu Tellul East, all were without communication to regimental or brigade headquarters. Despite being isolated, heavily attacked and in a number of cases surrounded, they held their ground. They were able to successfully defend their sangars and posts from whatever direction the attack came. Only the troop at Vale and Maskera posts were forced to retire, while one trench on Mussallabeh was captured for a short period before being retaken, and one sangar on Abu Tellul East held by a troop of the 2nd Light Horse Regiment was captured after all the garrison was killed or wounded. The Germans found themselves caught in numerous cross fires from the front, flank and rear from the mutually-supporting defensive positions, while the Ottoman forces deployed on their left and right flanks were unable to strongly support the German attack. On the left of the main attack the Ottoman 32nd Regiment made a frontal attack on Mussallabeh and captured a post, which was retaken by the defenders shortly after. Three attempts were made by the left of the attacking force on Mussallabeh, but were driven back each time with heavy loss by well placed machine-gun fire leaving about 200 dead. The whole position was completely restored and 380 German and about 200 Ottoman prisoners were sent back to headquarters. On the right flank, Ottoman units from the Ottoman 58th Regiment climbed a cliff to attack View post but a sentry shot the leaders; one of whom must have been carrying incendiary bombs as he burst into flames. By the light of this human torch the remaining would-be attackers were shot, and as a result the remaining Ottoman soldiers at the bottom of the cliff did not make another attack. Regardless, the attack by the Ottoman 163rd Regiment on Vaux post continued. Reinforcements When it was found that the Germans had advanced between the 2nd and 3rd Light Horse Regiments and reached the centre of the advanced Light Horse position, the reserve; the 1st Light Horse Regiment launched a counter-attack at 04:30.
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However, far to the north, U.S. troops of the 27th and 30th divisions of the II Corps AEF fought under British command in a spearhead attack on the Hindenburg Line with 12 British and Australian divisions, and directly alongside the exhausted veteran divisions of the Australian Corps of the First Australian Imperial Force (1st AIF). With artillery and British tanks, the combined three-nation force, despite some early setbacks, attacked and captured their objectives (including Montbrehain village) along a six-kilometre section of the Line between Bellicourt and Vendhuille, which was centred around an underground section of the St. Quentin Canal and came to be known as the Battle of St. Quentin Canal. Although the capture of the heights above the Beaurevoir Line by October 10, marking a complete breach in the Hindenburg Line, was arguably of greater immediate significance, the important U.S. contribution to the victory at the St. Quentin Canal is less well remembered in the United States than Meuse-Argonne. The American forces initially consisted of fifteen divisions of the U.S. First Army commanded by then-General John J. Pershing until October 16, and then by Lieutenant General Hunter Liggett. The logistics were planned and directed by then-Colonel George C. Marshall. The French forces next to them consisted of 31 divisions including the Fourth Army (under Henri Gouraud) and the Fifth Army (under Henri Mathias Berthelot). The U.S. divisions of the AEF were oversized (12 battalions per division versus the French/British/German 9 battalions per division), being up to twice the size of other Allies' battle-depleted divisions upon arrival, but the French and other Allied divisions had been partly replenished prior to the Grand Offensive, so both the U.S. and French contributions in troops were considerable. Most of the heavy equipment (tanks, artillery, aircraft) was provided by the European Allies. For the Meuse-Argonne front alone, this represented 2,780 artillery pieces, 380 tanks and 840 planes. As the battle progressed, both the Americans and the French brought in reinforcements. Eventually, 22 American divisions would participate in the battle at one time or another, representing two full field armies. Other French forces involved included the 2nd Colonial Corps, under Henri Claudel, which had also fought alongside the AEF at the Battle of Saint-Mihiel earlier in September 1918.
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The battle took place in and around the French city of Cambrai, between 8 and 10 October 1918. The battle incorporated many of the newer tactics of 1918, in particular tanks. The attack was an overwhelming success with light casualties in an extremely short amount of time. There were three German lines, spanning some 7,000 yd (6,400 m); held by the 20th Landwehr and the 54th Reserve divisions, supported by no more than 150 guns. The weak defense was due to the Allied general offensive across the Western Front, and specifically in this sector, the rapid approach of the Canadian Corps, who had overwhelmed much stronger defenses in the previous days. The German defenders were unprepared for the bombardment by 324 tanks, closely supported by infantry and aircraft. On 8 October, the 2nd Canadian Division entered Cambrai and encountered sporadic and light resistance. However, they rapidly pressed northward, leaving the "mopping up" of the town to the 3rd Canadian Division following close behind. When the 3rd entered the town on 10 October, they found it deserted. Fewer than 20 casualties had been taken. Aftermath Although the capture of Cambrai was achieved significantly sooner than expected, German resistance northeast of the town stiffened, slowing the advance and forcing the Canadian Corps to dig in. The Battle of Courtrai (also known as the Second Battle of Belgium (French: 2ème Bataille de Belgique) and the Battle of Roulers (French: Bataille de Roulers)) was one of a series of offensives in northern France and southern Belgium that took place in late September and October 1918. The Groupe d'Armées des Flandres (GAF) comprising twelve Belgian divisions, ten divisions of the British Second Army and six divisions of the French Sixth Army, under the command of King Albert I of Belgium, with the French General Jean Degoutte as Chief of Staff, defeated the German 4th Army in the Fifth Battle of Ypres (28 September – 2 October). The breaking of the Hindenburg Line further south, led the Allies to follow a strategy of pursuing the Germans for as long as possible, before movement was stopped by the winter rains. Mud and a collapse of the supply-system, had stopped the advance in early October but by the middle of the month, the GAF was ready to resume the offensive. The offensive began at 5:35 a.m. on 14 October, with an attack by the GAF from the Lys river at Comines northwards to Dixmude. The British creeping barrage advanced at a rate of 100 yards (91 m) per minute, much faster and much further than the practice in 1917, in expectation that there would be little resistance from German infantry.ints. コルトレイク Courtrai
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