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語源:フランスの敗退、des(de)から、中期フランス語desbaclerから、取り除くべきdebaclerから、ラテン語のbaculumスタッフから、俗ラテン語bacculareから(仮定された)恐らく閉鎖する+bacler。日付:1802 よくわかりませんね。 フランスを起源にできた言葉って事でしょうか？ 下記のサイトで翻訳しました。 英和 和英 どちらでも使えますが、精度は低いです。
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The Second Battle of the Aisne (French: Bataille du Chemin des Dames or Seconde bataille de l'Aisne, 16 April – mid-May 1917) was the main part of the Nivelle Offensive, a Franco-British attempt to inflict a decisive defeat on the German armies in France. The strategy was to conduct sequenced offensives from north to south, by the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) and several French army groups. General Robert Nivelle planned the offensive in December 1916, after he replaced Joseph Joffre as Commander-in-Chief of the French Army. The objective of the attack on the Aisne was to capture the prominent 80 kilometres (50 mi) long, east–west ridge of the Chemin des Dames, 110 kilometres (68 mi) north-east of Paris and then attack northwards to capture the city of Laon. When the French armies met the British advancing from the Arras front, the Germans would be pursued towards Belgium and the German frontier. The offensive began on 9 April, when the British attacked at the Battle of Arras. On 16 April, the Groupe d'armées de Reserve (GAR) attacked the Chemin des Dames and the next day, the Fourth Army of Groupe d'armées de Centre (GAC), near Reims to the south-east, began the Battle of the Hills.
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The rear edge of the German battle zone along the ridge, had been reinforced with machine-gun posts and the German divisional commanders decided to hold the front line, rather than giving ground elastically and few of the Eingreif divisions were needed to intervene in the battle. In 1939 Wynne wrote that the French lost 117,000 casualties including 32,000 killed in the first few days but that the effect on military and civilian morale was worse than the casualties. In the 1939 volume of Der Weltkrieg, the German official historians recorded German losses to the end of June as 163,000 men including 37,000 missing and claimed French casualties of 250,000–300,000 men, including 10,500 taken prisoner. In 1962, G. W. L. Nicholson the Canadian Official Historian, recorded German losses of c. 163,000 and French casualties of 187,000 men.[43] A 2003 web publication gave 108,000 French casualties, 49,526 in the Fifth Army, 30,296 casualties in the Sixth Army, 4,849 in the Tenth Army, 2,169 in the Fourth Army and 1,486 in the Third Army. In 2005, Doughty quoted figures of 134,000 French casualties on the Aisne from 16–25 April, of whom 30,000 men were killed, 100,000 were wounded and 4,000 were taken prisoner; the rate of casualties was the worst since November 1914. From 16 April – 10 May the Fourth, Fifth, Sixth and Tenth armies took 28,500 prisoners and 187 guns. The advance of the Sixth Army was one of the largest made by a French army since trench warfare began. The Battle of La Malmaison (Bataille de la Malmaison) (23–27 October) led to the capture of the village and fort of La Malmaison and control of the Chemin des Dames ridge. The 7th Army commander Boehn, was not able to establish a defence in depth along the Chemin-de-Dames, because the ridge was a hog's back and the only alternative was to retire north of the Canal de l'Oise à l'Aisne. The German artillery was outnumbered about 3:1 and on the front of the 14th Division 32 German batteries were bombarded by 125 French artillery batteries. Much of the German artillery was silenced before the French attack. Gas bombardments in the Ailette valley became so dense that the carriage of ammunition and supplies to the front was made impossible. German retreat from the Chemin des Dames, November 1917 From 24–25 October the XXI and XIV corps advanced rapidly and the I Cavalry Corps was brought forward into the XIV Corps area, in case the Germans collapsed. On 25 October the French captured the village and forest of Pinon and closed up to the line of the Canal de l'Oise à l'Aisne. In four days the attack had advanced 6 miles (9.7 km) and forced the Germans from the narrow plateau of the Chemin des Dames, back to the north bank of the Ailette Valley. The French took 11,157 prisoners, 200 guns and 220 heavy mortars. French losses were 2,241 men killed, 8,162 wounded and 1,460 missing from 23–26 October, 10 percent of the casualties of the attacks during the Nivelle Offensive.
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The états numériques des pertes give French losses in a range from 348,000 to 378,000 and in 1930, Wendt recorded French Second Army and German 5th Army casualties of 362,000 and 336,831 respectively, from 21 February to 20 December, not taking account of the inclusion or exclusion of lightly wounded. In 2006, McRandle and Quirk used the Sanitätsbericht to adjust the Verlustlisten by an increase of c. 11 percent, which gave a total of 373,882 German casualties, compared to the French Official History record by 20 December 1916, of 373,231 French losses. A German record from the Sanitätsbericht, which explicitly excluded lightly wounded, compared German losses at Verdun in 1916, which averaged 37.7 casualties for each 1,000 men, with the 9th Army in Poland 1914 average of 48.1 per 1,000, the 11th Army average in Galicia 1915 of 52.4 per 1,000 men, the 1st Army Somme 1916 average of 54.7 per 1,000 and the 2nd Army average on the Somme of 39.1 per 1,000 men.
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The tunnel entrances were invisible to air observation and a French advance across the top of Mont Cornillet could be attacked from behind from them. Every move by the French, was under observation from the German positions but the ridge from Mont Cornillet to Le Téton and the woods to the west and east, hid German movements from ground observation and could only be detected by French aviators, who were frequently grounded by bad weather in the winter and spring of 1916–1917. By the beginning of April, the German Higher Command expected a French offensive from the Ailette to Reims but the quiescence of the French artillery east of Reims, led to no serious operation against Nogent l'Abbesse or Moronvilliers being anticipated. During Easter, General Chales de Beaulieu, the XIV Corps commander and the general commanding the 214th Division at Moronvilliers, briefed his subordinates that only artillery demonstrations were likely, between Reims and Aubérive. General von Gersdorf, the 58th Division commander, disagreed with the corps commander, which led to his resignation. The German defences were held by the 30th, 58th, 214th and 29th divisions from east to west. The 29th and 58th divisions were considered to be of high quality but the 214th Division was new division and its troops had had little opportunity for training; the 30th Division was considered to have one good and two indifferent regiments.
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The French success enabled artillery-observers to direct their guns onto the Colmar–Mulhouse railway and local German attacks on 25 April took back the peak; the French recaptured it the next day but the 152e Régiment had 825 casualties. In December 1915, Dubail as commander of Groupe d'armées de l'Est (GAE: Eastern Army Group) planned a larger operation to consolidate the French position in the region by capturing Mulhouse. An attack on Hartmannswillerkopf by the 66e Division (General Marcel Serret [fr]), which had been fighting in the area all year was to be the prelude to the larger attack. The division was given 250 more guns for the attack, two of which were super-heavy 370 mm Filloux mortars, an average of one gun per 13 m (14 yd) of German front. After several postponements, the French bombardment including the super-heavy mortars began on 21 December from Hartmannswillerkopf to Wattwiller. In the afternoon the 66e Division attacked, taking the peak and trenches at Hirtzstein to the north-west of Wattwille as German reserves established a new front line on the eastern slopes. Next day the reinforced Landwehr Brigade 82 of the 12th Landwehr Division counter-attacked and re-took the peak, except for trenches on the north slope, which fell on 23 December. The French 152e Régiment was almost annihilated, losing 1,998 casualties from 21–22 December, along with Serret who was mortally wounded, the Germans taking 1,553 prisoners. On the afternoon of 24 December, Landwehr Brigade 82 tried to re-gain the lost trenches at Hirtzstein, with the assistance of flame thrower teams but achieved only a partial success. During the evening of 28 December, French attacks captured several positions between Hartmannswillerkopf and Hirzstein, followed by German counter-attacks during the night; from 29–30 December and an attack on 1 January 1916, the original front line was restored and on 8 January, Landwehr Brigade 187 re-captured the trenches at Hirzstein lost on 21 December. The fighting from 20 December 1915 to 8 January 1916 cost the French 7,465 casualties, about 50 percent of the attacking force, of whom 1,103 were taken prisoner, along with thirty machine-guns; German casualties were 4,513 men, 1,700 being taken prisoner. Dubail stopped offensive operations to rest the survivors and to avoid French resources being drained away to little purpose; in Étude au sujet des opérations dans les Vosges (4 January 1916) Dubail recommended that such enterprises be avoided.
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The German flyers further reduced the ability of the Anglo-French airmen to support the armies with artillery-observation and contact patrols, in the rare periods of clear weather. The German armies lost much less ground and had fewer casualties in October than in September (the costliest month of the battle) but the proportion of casualties increased from 78.9–82.3 percent of the Anglo-French total. The reinforcement of the Somme front, with troops and equipment from Verdun also contributed to the German defeat in the First Offensive Battle of Verdun (1ère Bataille Offensive de Verdun 20 October – 2 November) and the loss of forts Douaumont and Vaux.
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Belgian military planning assumed a German invasion that other powers would eject an invader. This did not lead to France and Britain being seen as Belgian allies and Belgium intended only to protect its independence. The Anglo-French Entente (1904), had led the Belgians to perceive that the British had come to see Belgium as a British protectorate. A Belgian General Staff was formed in 1910 but the Chef d'État-Major Général de l'Armée, Lieutenant-Général Harry Jungbluth was retired on 30 June 1912 and not replaced until May 1914, by Lieutenant-General Chevalier de Selliers de Moranville. The new Chief of Staff began planning for the concentration of the army and met with railway officials on 29 July. Belgian troops were to be massed at the centre of the country, in front of the National redoubt of Belgium, ready to face any border, while the Fortified Position of Liège and Fortified Position of Namur were left to secure the frontiers. On mobilization, the King became Commander-in-Chief and chose where the army was to concentrate. Amid the disruption of the new rearmament plan, the disorganised and poorly trained Belgian soldiers would benefit from a central position to delay contact with an invader. The army would also need fortifications for defence but these were on the frontier. A school of thought wanted a return to a frontier deployment, in line with French theories of the offensive. Belgian plans became a compromise, in which the field army concentrated behind the Gete river, with two divisions forward at Liège and Namur.
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On 26 August, the 145th Infantry Regiment, two batteries of 75 mm field guns and a cavalry squadron sortied towards La Longueville to reconnoitre German forces that had been reported there. Skirmishing took place with German patrols and late in the afternoon the rumble of artillery was heard to the west, which raised hopes that the siege would be lifted but after two days the sounds died away. By 27 August, Maubeuge had been surrounded and the fortress artillery began speculative bombardments on crossroads and other likely targets, which had little effect beyond revealing the positions of the guns to German observers. On 28 August, the garrison reserve sallied towards the south and an inconclusive skirmish was fought beyond bois Leroy, which prevented the French from reconnoitring German positions. None of the expeditions pushed to sufficient depth and none were directed to the east towards the principal threat. The German siege artillery between the Sambre and La Trouille at Solre sur Sambre, Peissant, Fauroeulx, Haulchies, Givry, had completed its preparations, screened by infantry from Grand-Reng to Erquelines. At 1:00 p.m. the German bombardment commenced on Fort de Boussois, Ouvrage du Faignies, Salmagne and Bersillies. Inside the Entrenched Camp the Germans had many spies who reported on the fall of shot and spread alarmist rumours. The bombardment by 210 mm, 280 mm and 305 mm howitzers (420 mm from 2 September) began to spread to Fort de Cerfontaine and Fort des Sarts. Maubeuge town was bombarded by 120 mm guns; the Porte de France district was severely damaged and fire brigade fought fires amidst the bombardment, suffering many casualties but civilians and refugees found safety by sheltering in cellars. Faubourg de Sous le Bois, occupied by the general reserve and faubourg de Louvroil, with numerous encampments, were severely bombarded; water and gas mains were cut and telephone wires brought down. The German siege gunners concentrated on the permanent fortifications and the recent improvised positions. Ouvrages were damaged and the occupants risked asphyxiation from gases released by the shell explosions; Fort de Boussois was demolished and the roof of the Menon turret was blown off. The interval positions were destroyed and an ammunition dump was hit by an Austrian 305 mm shell; the walls collapsed and sixty French troops were asphyxiated. Fournier attempted to reply to the German bombardment but the artillery in the sectors not being attacked could not be moved for lack of transport. Guns from the general reserve were moved between Fort de Cerfontaine and Fort des Sarts but the guns were destroyed one by one. The Territorial troops in the front line were aghast at the effect of the German artillery and some units panicked.
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The term crusade is derived from a Middle Latin cruxata, cruciata. The adjective cruciatus had been used in the sense of "marked with a cross" from the 12th century; cruciatus (also cruxatus, croxatus, crucesignatus) was used of crusaders by the mid 13th century, from their practice of attaching a cloth cross symbol to their clothing. Use of cruxata (cruciata) for "crusade, military expedition against enemies of the church" is in use by the 1280s. The French form croisade and Spanish cruzada are recorded by the 16th century. The French form of the word first appears in its historiographical sense in the 17th century[3] and it was adopted into English and German in the 18th century. The Crusades in the Holy Land are traditionally counted as nine distinct campaigns, numbered from the First Crusade of 1095–99 to the Ninth Crusade of 1271/2. This convention is used by Charles Mills in his History of the Crusades for the Recovery and Possession of the Holy Land (1820), and is often retained for convenience, even though it is somewhat arbitrary: The Fifth and Sixth Crusades led by Frederick II may be considered a single campaign, as can the Eight Crusade and Ninth Crusade led by Louis IX.
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The term crusade is derived from a Middle Latin cruxata, cruciata. The adjective cruciatus had been used in the sense of "marked with a cross" from the 12th century; cruciatus (also cruxatus, croxatus, crucesignatus) was used of crusaders by the mid 13th century, from their practice of attaching a cloth cross symbol to their clothing. Use of cruxata (cruciata) for "crusade, military expedition against enemies of the church" is in use by the 1280s. The French form croisade and Spanish cruzada are recorded by the 16th century. The French form of the word first appears in its historiographical sense in the 17th century[3] and it was adopted into English and German in the 18th century. The Crusades in the Holy Land are traditionally counted as nine distinct campaigns, numbered from the First Crusade of 1095–99 to the Ninth Crusade of 1271/2. This convention is used by Charles Mills in his History of the Crusades for the Recovery and Possession of the Holy Land (1820), and is often retained for convenience, even though it is somewhat arbitrary: The Fifth and Sixth Crusades led by Frederick II may be considered a single campaign, as can the Eight Crusade and Ninth Crusade led by Louis IX.
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