The Transformation of the Tozama Lords in Tokugawa Japan
- Discover the transformation of the tozama lords in Tokugawa Japan and the long-term changes that benefitted them.
- Explore the impact of cohabitation in Edo and the relationships forged through marriage and adoption.
- Learn how the tozama lords became connected to the Kyoto nobility and the Tokugawa house itself.
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お手数ですが、次の英文を和訳して下さい。
Traditionally, the tozama were objects of Tokugawa mistrust, and though territorially strong, these lords could never hope to fudai colleagues. Nevertheless, even the tozama benefited from long-term changes. By 1700, it was no longer feasible for any group of daimyo to foment rebellion. Long periods of cohabitation in Edo, a city which was birthplace and childhood home of most of the domainal lords as well as the scene of their later compulsory residences, of outlook among them, and between them and ranking members of the Tokugawa lineage. Marriage and adoption, the later being freely used to ensure that no daimyo family should die out for lack of heirs, worked to the same end. Before long, many of the military lords were related to each other several times over, and similar links bound them to the Kyoto nobility and the Tokugawa house itself.
- 阿部 結唯（@iwano_aoi）
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質問者が選んだベストアンサー
以下のとおりお答えします。（単なる歴史上の事実として見ていたことの「動機や目的」、つまり、「意味づけ」が分かって面白いですね。） ＞Traditionally, the tozama were objects of Tokugawa mistrust, and though territorially strong, these lords could never hope to fudai colleagues. Nevertheless, even the tozama benefited from long-term changes. By 1700, it was no longer feasible for any group of daimyo to foment rebellion. 外様は、伝統的に徳川から不信を買った対象であり、これらの君主は領土内では強大であるけれども、決して譜代の仲間入りは望めなかった。それにもかかわらず、その外様でさえ長期の変化から利益を得ていった。1700年までには、もはやいかなる大名集団にとっても謀反を誘発できるような状況はなかった。 ＞Long periods of cohabitation in Edo, a city which was birthplace and childhood home of most of the domainal lords as well as the scene of their later compulsory residences, of outlook among them, and between them and ranking members of the Tokugawa lineage. 長期の共住地であった江戸、それはほとんどの藩主の誕生地であり幼年期の家となった都市であり、同様にその後彼らが強制された住居であり、彼らの内部や彼らと徳川家系に列せられた要員との間の（関係を）見張る舞台であった。 ＞Marriage and adoption, the later being freely used to ensure that no daimyo family should die out for lack of heirs, worked to the same end. Before long, many of the military lords were related to each other several times over, and similar links bound them to the Kyoto nobility and the Tokugawa house itself. 後世の人（藩主）たちは、相続人の不足によって大名家系が途絶しない保証を得るために結婚と養子縁組を自由に利用したので、これら（結婚と養子縁組）が同じ目的に対して効果があった。やがて武力を持つ君主の多くは数度にわたってお互いに血縁関係を結び、京都の公家と徳川家自身の結合と似たような連繋関係を持った。 以上、ご回答まで。
その他の回答 (2)
- kumagerasu
- ベストアンサー率63% (288/451)
こんにちは。訳してみました。 伝統的に、「外様」は徳川家の不信の対象であり、領土的には強大であるものの、外様大名たちは、幕府の行政機構において「譜代」に開放されている地位を占めることはまったく望みえなかった。それにもかかわらず、「外様」さえも、長い期間のうちに起こった変化の受益者となった。1700年までに、いかなる大名のグループも謀反を起こすことがありえなくなった。江戸はほとんどの大名が生まれ育つ都市であり、また長ずるにいたって強制的に住まわされる場所であったが、このように江戸で一緒に住むことが長期にわたったことは、うたがいもなく、大名どうしの中に、そして大名たちと徳川家の幹部メンバーの間に、あらゆる種類の非公式なつながりと、共通の世界観を生み出した。結婚と養子縁組、この養子縁組は跡継ぎがないために大名家が絶えてしまうことがないようにどんどん使われたのだが、これらによっても同様の効果がもたらされた。まもなく、多くの大名たちは互いに何回も繰り返して姻戚関係でつながることになり、さらに、大名たちと京都の公家達や徳川家そのものとの間も同様のつながりで結びつくことになった。 下記リンクを参考にしました。 https://books.google.co.jp/books?id=M1PRAgAAQBAJ&pg=PT172&lpg=PT172#v=onepage&q&f=false
- rk31451993
- ベストアンサー率30% (22/73)
伝統的に、tozamaは徳川疑惑のオブジェクトであり、領土的に強いけれども、これらの君主は決してfudai同僚に望むはずがない。それにもかかわらず、tozamaでさえ長期の変化から利益を得ていた。1700年までに、それは、謀反を助長するために、もう大名のどのようなグループにでも適当ではなかった。Edoの同棲の長い期間、それらの間のおよび徳川家系のそれらと位置付けメンバーの間の展望のそれらのより遅い強制的なレジデンスのdomainal君主のほとんどの家に出生地と幼年期であったことだけでなく場面の都市。結婚と採用、後で、同じ目的のために働かせられた相続人の不足のために、大名ファミリーが全然死に絶えるべきではないと保証するために自由に使用するthe。間もなく、軍隊の君主の多くは上でお互いに数回関連し、同様なリンクはそれらを京都高貴さと徳川家自身と結合した。 和訳したらこんな風に出て来ましたが、、、
関連するQ&A
- 英語の一文の和訳について質問です。
Long periods of cohabitation in Edo, a city which was birthplace and childhood home of most of the domainal lords as well as the scene of their later compulsory residences, of outlook among them, and between them and ranking members of the Tokugawa lineage. という英文を 長期の居住地であった江戸、それはほとんどの藩主の誕生地であり幼年期の家となった都市であり、同様にその後彼らが強制された住居であり、彼らの内部や彼らと徳川一門の地位の高い者たちとの間のものの見方であった。 と訳した場合、正解になりますか？ outlookでものの見方と訳しています。
- ベストアンサー
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Its provisions applied to all daimyo equally. The military lords were forbidden to: move troops outside their own frontiers; from political alliances among themselves; maintain more than one castle in their domain; marry without shogunal approval. Later prohibitions made it illegal for daimyo to do such things as coin money, enter into direct relations with the court of foreigners as coin money, enter into direct relations with the court of foreigners except with the express permission of the bakufu, ior build large ships except for trade. The military house legislation succeeded in its primary object of protecting the Tokugawa against daimyo attack and ushered in the long period of Tokugawa peace. Civil war, like religious war, became a thing of the past.
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- 英語
- 以下の英文を訳して下さい。
The obedience of the daimyo was exacted under the guise of vassal loyalty. Those among them who had not already done so had to tender written oaths of obedience to Ieyasu after 1600 acknowledging him as their feudal overlord. These pledges were renewed by each successive daimyo of han, and by all the daimyo whenever a new shogun took office. Lords who disregarded Tokugawa wishes could be punished as disobedient vassals; the shogunate would reprimand them, retire them, or-in extreme cases-confiscate their fiefs. han 藩
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- 以下の英文を日本語訳して下さい。
For the later period, ‘’baku-han system’’ is a more accurate description. This development was facilitated by the seventeenth-century switch from force to moral persuasion association of all the daimyo, not just a section of them, with the and a general softening of traditional attitudes. From Ieyasu’s time, the great majority of daimyo had been divided into two classes: fudai and tozama. The former were literally the ‘’hereditary vassal lords,’’ the successive heads of families which were already Tokugawa vassals before the fateful battle of Sekigahara. The tozama, by contrast, were the ‘’outside lords,’’ whose ancestors had been Ieyasu’s peers in 1600 and had only sworn allegiance to him after his victory. Fudai han were usually small, but they were strategically placed around the Kanto plain, along anaxis to the Kinai district, in Kinai itself, and on the borders of large tozama han.
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Its provisions applied to all daimyo equally. The military lords were forbidden to: move troops outside their own frontiers; from political alliances among themselves; maintain more than one castle in their domain; marry without shogunal approval. Later prohibitions made it illegal for daimyo to do such things as coin money, enter into direct relations with the court of foreigners as coin money, enter into direct relations with the court of foreigners except with the express permission of the bakufu, ior build large ships except for trade. The military house legislation succeeded in its primary object of protecting the Tokugawa against daimyo attack and ushered in the long period of Tokugawa peace. Civil war, like religious war, became a thing of the past. 和訳 その規定はすべての大名に等しく適用された。 軍事力をもつ大名は次のようなことを禁止された：自国の国境の外に兵を動かすこと、大名同士の政治的同盟をもつこと、自分の領地に一つ以上の城をもつこと、将軍の許しなしに婚姻すること。後に制定された禁止令は大名が通貨や、通貨を用いて外国の宮廷と直接取引を開始すること、幕府の明確な許可なしに外国の宮廷と直接取引を開始する事または貿易以外の目的で大型船を建造することを非合法とした。軍事力をもつ大名への法律は、大名の攻撃から徳川を守るという一義的目的に成功し、徳川の長きにわたる平和な時代を導いた。宗教戦争のような内乱は過去の物となったのだ。
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- 英語の文章と和訳があります。和訳は正しいですか？
The obedience of the daimyo was exacted under the guise of vassal loyalty. Those among them who had not already done so had to tender written oaths of obedience to Ieyasu after 1600 acknowledging him as their feudal overlord. These pledges were renewed by each successive daimyo of han, and by all the daimyo whenever a new shogun took office. Lords who disregarded Tokugawa wishes could be punished as disobedient vassals; the shogunate would reprimand them, retire them, or-in extreme cases-confiscate their fiefs. 和訳 大名の服従は臣下としての忠誠心の名のもとに強要された。いまだそれに応じていない者は、1600年以降家康に、彼が武家の大領主であると認める服従を誓う誓詞を提出しなければならなかった。これらの誓詞は、個々の藩の大名後継者によって更新され、新しい将軍が就任した時はすべての大名によって更新された。徳川の意向に背く藩主は反抗的な家臣として処罰する事が可能だった。幕府はそうした者たちを叱責し、代替わりさせたり、極端な場合、領地を没収したりもした。
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A major problem for the British was the lack of logistical infrastructure. When ships arrived at Basra, they had to be unloaded by small boats which then unloaded their cargo which was then stored in warehouses, which there were not enough of in Basra. Ships often sat for days waiting to be unloaded. Then supplies had to be sent north along the river in shallow draft river steamers because there were almost no roads north. Usually the amount of supplies being sent north was barely adequate to supply the forces in place. A plan to build a railway was rejected by the Indian Government in 1915, but after Kut it was approved. After the defeat at Kut, the British made a major effort to improve the ability to move men and equipment into theater, and keep them supplied. The port at Basra was greatly improved so that ships could be quickly unloaded. Good roads were built around Basra. Rest camps and supply dumps were created to receive men and material from the port. More and better river steamers were put into service moving supplies up river. New hospitals were also set up to better care for the sick and wounded. As a result, the British were able to bring more troops and equipment to the front lines and keep them properly supplied for a new offensive. The new commander, General Maude, despite receiving secret orders from Robertson not to attempt to take Baghdad, was given additional reinforcements and equipment. For the next six months he trained and organized his army. At the same time, the Ottoman Sixth Army was growing weaker. Khalil Pasha received very few replacements, and ended up disbanding the weak 38th Division and used its soldiers as replacements for his other divisions, the 46th, 51st, 35th, and 52nd. Robertson changed his mind when it seemed that the Russians might advance to Mosul, removing any Turkish threat to Mesopotamia, and authorised Maude to attack in December 1916.
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By June 13, Russian units were back to their starting line. On June 19, the Russians launched another offensive. This time northwest to Lake Van. The Russians, under Oganovski, launched an offense into the hills west of Manzikert. The Russians underestimated the size of the Ottoman arm, and were surprised by a large Turkish force at the counterattack. Russian forces began to march from Manzikert towards Mush. However, they were not aware of the fact that the Turkish IX Corps, together with the 17th and 28th Divisions was moving to Mush as well. Although the conditions were extremely difficult, the Turks were executing a very efficient operation of reorganization. 1st and 5th Expeditionary Forces were positioned to the south of the Russian offensive force and a “Right Wing Group” was established under the command of Brigadier General Abdülkerim Paşa. This group was independent from the Third Army and Abdülkerim Paşa was directly reporting to Enver Paşa. The Turks were ready to face the Russian attacks.
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The Jodhpore and Mysore Lancers and the Poona Horse commanded by Major General H.J.M. Macandrew took 100 prisoners, killing more than ninety Ottomans with the lance, but suffered the loss of eighty troopers. Nine men from the Alwar and Patiala Infantry defending the Ghoraniyeh bridgehead were wounded by artillery fire. The Ottoman prisoners included six officers, four squadron leaders and eighty-six other ranks. Casualties The total losses suffered by the German and Ottoman forces in the hills at Abu Tellul and Mussallabeh, at the Wadi Mellaha, and at the Wadi er Rame and Ain el Garaba defending the fords on the eastern bank of the Jordan, were 540 prisoners (377 German and 71 Ottoman) and up to 1,000 casualties while the British Empire forces suffered a total of 189 casualties. Between 14 and 15 July the 4th Light Horse Field Ambulance evacuated a total of 278 men; eighty-five of whom were wounded and forty-four sick Light Horsemen, twenty-four were wounded Lancers, 111 were wounded German prisoners and fourteen were wounded Ottoman prisoners. Many casualties came in to the 4th Light Horse Field Ambulance soon after the long-range artillery shelling commenced; the numbers increasing when bombing and machine-gun attacks by the aircraft followed. Stretcher bearers collected the wounded from the front line and brought them to waiting ambulances which transported them back to the tent division of the field ambulance. At the tent division all wounded were attended, receiving emergency treatment from the medical officers and hospital staff before being loaded on the ambulances again by the stretcher bearers and evacuated by road to the casualty clearing stations in Jerusalem. Cars and extra men came from the 2nd Light Horse Field Ambulance to help the 4th Light Horse Field Ambulance as speedy evacuation was of major importance. In the afternoon, German and Ottoman prisoners were brought in to the field ambulance, but they had to be separated to stop them fighting and abusing each other. The Germans blamed the Ottomans for letting them down and the Ottomans hated the Germans for their arrogance and envied their equipment. The Ottomans had practically no equipment, wore ragged clothes and had rags round their feet instead of boots while the German soldiers were in good uniforms and boots and the equipment in their haversacks included a supply of quinine, for prophylactic use against malaria, as well as water bottles.
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On 11 December, a British column sent to Duwwar Hussein was attacked along the Matruh–Sollum track and in the Affair of Wadi Senba, drove the Senussi out of the wadi. The reconnaissance continued and on 13 December at Wadi Hasheifiat, the British were attacked again and held up until artillery came into action in the afternoon and forced the Sanussi to retreat. The British returned to Matruh until 25 December and then made a night advance to surprise the Sanussi. At the Affair of Wadi Majid, the Sanussi were defeated but were able to withdraw to the west. Air reconnaissance found more Senussi encampments in the vicinity of Matruh at Halazin, which was attacked on 23 January, in the Affair of Halazin. The Senussi fell back skilfully and then attempted to envelop the British flanks. The British were pushed back on the flanks as the centre advanced and defeated the main body of Senussi, who were again able to withdraw. In February 1916, the Western Frontier Force was reinforced and a British column was sent west along the coast to re-capture Sollum. Air reconnaissance discovered a Senussi encampment at Agagia, which was attacked in the Action of Agagia on 26 February. The Senussi were defeated and then intercepted by the Dorset Yeomanry as they withdrew; the Yeomanry charged across open ground swept by machine-gun and rifle fire. The British lost half their horses and 58 of 184 men but prevented the Senussi from slipping away. Jaafar Pasha, the commander of the Senussi forces on the coast, was captured and Sollum was re-occupied by British forces on 14 March 1916, which concluded the coastal campaign.
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