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  • フランス委任統治はサンレモ会議で決定されました。 それは東部のユーフラテス川とシリア砂漠の間に位置し、西部の地中海に広がり、南部のアルマダグ山脈からエジプトまで広がっている領域で、面積は約60,000平方マイル(160,000平方キロメートル)で人口は約3,000,000人です。
  • ヒジャーズ王国は国際的な承認を得ました。 推定面積は100,000平方マイル(260,000平方キロメートル)で、人口は約750,000人でした。
  • サンレモ会議の後、1920年4月、トルコ独立戦争中にセーヴル条約は無効とされ、各国は1923年と1924年にローザンヌ条約を署名・批准しました。
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The French Mandate was settled at the San Remo Conference. Comprising the region between the Euphrates River and the Syrian Desert on the east, and the Mediterranean Sea on the west, and extending from the Alma Dagh Mountains on the south to Egypt on the south; Area of territory about 60,000 sq mi (160,000 km2) with a population of about 3,000,000. Lebanon and an enlarged Syria, which were later assigned again under League of Nations Mandate. The region was divided under the French into four governments as follows: Government of Aleppo from the Euphrates region to the Mediterranean; Great Lebanon extending from Tripoli to Palestine; Damascus, including Damascus, Hama, Hems, and the Hauran; and the country of Mount Arisarieh. Faisal ibn Husayn, who had been proclaimed king of Syria by a Syrian National Congress in Damascus in March 1920, was ejected by the French in July of the same year. Kingdom of Hejaz The Kingdom of Hejaz was granted international recognition. Estimated area of 100,000 sq mi (260,000 km2), and population of about 750,000. The biggest cities were the Holy Places of Makka, with a population of 80,000, and Medina, with a population of 40,000. It had constituted the vilayet of Hejaz, but during the war became an independent kingdom under British influence. The terms of the Treaty of Sèvres were far more severe than those imposed on the German Empire by the Treaty of Versailles. France, Italy, and Great Britain had secretly begun the partitioning of the Ottoman Empire as early as 1915. The open negotiations covered a period of more than fifteen months, beginning at the Paris Peace Conference. They continued at the Conference of London, and took definite shape only after the premiers' meeting at the San Remo conference in April 1920. The delay occurred because the powers could not come to an agreement which, in turn, hinged on the outcome of the Turkish national movement. The Treaty of Sèvres was annulled in the course of the Turkish War of Independence, and the parties signed and ratified the Treaty of Lausanne in 1923 and 1924. Not all signatories of the Treaty of Sèvres were parties to the Treaty of Lausanne, nor was there a valid international act of annulment of the Treaty of Sèvres. Therefore, the Treaty of Sèvres remains a valid instrument of international law, although the Lausanne signatories have chosen not to implement it. While the treaty was under discussion, the Turkish national movement under Mustafa Kemal Pasha split with the monarchy based in Constantinople, and set up a Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara in April 1920. On 18 October, the government of Damat Ferid Pasha was replaced by a provisional ministry under Ahmed Tevfik Pasha as Grand Vizier, who announced an intention to convoke the Senate with the purpose of ratification of the Treaty, provided that national unity were achieved. This required seeking for cooperation with Mustafa Kemal.

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>The French Mandate ~ League of Nations Mandate. ⇒フランスの委任統治は「サン・レモ会議」で設定された。(その地は)東ではユーフラテ川とシリア砂漠の間で、西には地中海があり、南ではアルマ・ダグ山脈から南はエジプトまで広がっている。約60,000平方マイル(160,000平方キロ)の面積で、人口は約300万人である。レバノンおよび拡大シリアは、後に国際連盟の委任統治下に再度割り当てられた。 >The region was divided ~ July of the same year. ⇒この地域は、フランスの采配下で以下のような4つの政府機関に分けられた。すなわち、ユーフラテス地方から地中海に至るアレッポ政府、トリポリからパレスチナまでの拡大レバノン政府、ダマスカス、ハマ、ヘムス、ハウランを含むダマスカス政府、そしてアリサリエ山地方政府である。1920年3月にダマスカスにおける「シリア国会」がシリアの王と宣言したファイサル・イブン・フセインは、同年7月にフランス人によって追放された。 >Kingdom of Hejaz  The Kingdom of Hejaz ~ the Paris Peace Conference. ⇒「ヘジャズ王国」  ヘジャズの王国が国際的に認められた。推定面積は100,000平方マイル(260,000平方キロ)、人口は約75万人である。最大の都市はマッカの聖地で、人口は8万人、メディナは4万人であった。それはヘジャズというビラエット(日本でいう「県」)を構成していたが、戦争中はイギリスの影響下に独立した王国となった。「セーヴル条約」の条項は、「ベルサイユ条約」によってドイツ帝国に課せられた条項よりはるかに厳しかった。フランス、イタリア、英国は、1915年早々、秘密裏にオスマン帝国の分断を開始した。開かれた交渉会議は「パリ平和会議」から始まって15か月以上の期間に及んだ。 >They continued at the Conference ~ chosen not to implement it. ⇒それは「ロンドン会議」に継承され、1920年4月の「サン・レモ会議」での首脳会議の後でようやく明確な形を得た。トルコの国民運動次第で、二転三転して列強間の合意に至らなかったために遅れが出たからであった。「セーヴル条約」は、「トルコ独立戦争」の過程で無効にされ、両当事者は1923年と1924年に「ローザンヌ条約」に署名し、批准した。(ただし)「セーヴル条約」の締約国のすべてが「ローザンヌ条約」の締約国であったわけでもないし、「セーヴル条約」無効化の妥当な国際的行為があったわけでもない。従って、「セーヴル条約」は国際法の有効な手段として残されているものの、ローザンヌの署名者がそれを実施しないことを選択した、ということにすぎない。 >While the treaty ~ Ankara in April 1920.  On 18 October, ~ cooperation with Mustafa Kemal. ⇒この条約が議論されている間、ムスタファ・ケマル・パシャの下にあるトルコの国民運動は、コンスタンティノープルに拠点を置く君主制と分裂し、1920年4月アンカラに「トルコ大国家議会」を設立した。  10月18日、ダマト・フェリド・パシャの政府は、大高官としてのアフメド・テブフィク・パシャの下で臨時内閣に交替した。そして彼アフメド・テブフィクは、国家統一が達成されれば、条約批准の目的で上院議員を招集する意向を発表した。これにより、ムスタファ・ケマルとの協力が求められることになった。

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    The German economy was so weak that only a small percentage of reparations was paid in hard currency. Nonetheless, even the payment of this small percentage of the original reparations (132 billion gold marks) still placed a significant burden on the German economy. Although the causes of the devastating post-war hyperinflation are complex and disputed, Germans blamed the near-collapse of their economy on the treaty, and some economists estimated that the reparations accounted for as much as one-third of the hyper-inflation. In March 1921, French and Belgian troops occupied Duisburg, which formed part of the demilitarized Rhineland, according to the Treaty of Versailles.[citation needed] In January 1923, French and Belgian forces occupied the rest of the Ruhr area as a reprisal after Germany failed to fulfill reparation payments demanded by the Versailles Treaty. The German government answered with "passive resistance", which meant that coal miners and railway workers refused to obey any instructions by the occupation forces. Production and transportation came to a standstill, but the financial consequences contributed to German hyperinflation and completely ruined public finances in Germany. Consequently, passive resistance was called off in late 1923. The end of passive resistance in the Ruhr allowed Germany to undertake a currency reform and to negotiate the Dawes Plan, which led to the withdrawal of French and Belgian troops from the Ruhr Area in 1925.In 1920, the head of the Reichswehr Hans von Seeckt clandestinely re-established the General Staff, by expanding the Truppenamt (Troop Office); purportedly a human resources section of the army. In March, 18,000 German troops entered the Rhineland under the guise of attempting to quell possible unrest by communists and in doing so violated the demilitarized zone. In response, French troops advanced further into Germany until the German troops withdrew. German officials conspired systematically to evade the clauses of the treaty, by failing to meet disarmament deadlines, refusing Allied officials access to military facilities, and maintaining and hiding weapon production. As the treaty did not ban German companies from producing war material outside of Germany, companies moved to the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Sweden. Bofors was bought by Krupp, and in 1921 German troops were sent to Sweden to test weapons. The establishment of diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union, via the Genoa Conference and Treaty of Rapallo, was also used to circumvent the Treaty of Versailles. Publicly, these diplomatic exchanges were largely in regards to trade and future economic cooperation. However, secret military clauses were included that allowed for Germany to develop weapons inside the Soviet Union. Furthermore, it allowed for Germany to establish three training areas for aviation, chemical and tank warfare.

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    The British military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that the Treaty of Versailles was "extremely lenient in comparison with the peace terms that Germany herself, when she was expecting to win the war, had had in mind to impose on the Allies". Furthermore, he claimed, it was "hardly a slap on the wrist" when contrasted with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that Germany had imposed on a defeated Russia in March 1918, which had taken away a third of Russia's population (albeit of non-Russian ethnicity), one-half of Russia's industrial undertakings and nine-tenths of Russia's coal mines, coupled with an indemnity of six billion marks. Eventually, even under the "cruel" terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany′s economy had been restored to its pre-war status. Barnett also claims that, in strategic terms, Germany was in fact in a superior position following the Treaty than she had been in 1914. Germany′s eastern frontiers faced Russia and Austria, who had both in the past balanced German power. Barnett asserts that its post-war eastern borders were safer, because the former Austrian Empire fractured after the war into smaller, weaker states, Russia was wracked by revolution and civil war, and the newly restored Poland was no match for even a defeated Germany. In the West, Germany was balanced only by France and Belgium, both of which were smaller in population and less economically vibrant than Germany. Barnett concludes by saying that instead of weakening Germany, the treaty "much enhanced" German power. Britain and France should have (according to Barnett) "divided and permanently weakened" Germany by undoing Bismarck's work and partitioning Germany into smaller, weaker states so it could never have disrupted the peace of Europe again. By failing to do this and therefore not solving the problem of German power and restoring the equilibrium of Europe, Britain "had failed in her main purpose in taking part in the Great War".The British historian of modern Germany, Richard J. Evans, wrote that during the war the German right was committed to an annexationist program which aimed at Germany annexing most of Europe and Africa. Consequently, any peace treaty that did not leave Germany as the conqueror would be unacceptable to them. Short of allowing Germany to keep all the conquests of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Evans argued that there was nothing that could have been done to persuade the German right to accept Versailles. Evans further noted that the parties of the Weimar Coalition, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the social liberal German Democratic Party (DDP) and the Christian democratic Centre Party, were all equally opposed to Versailles, and it is false to claim as some historians have that opposition to Versailles also equalled opposition to the Weimar Republic.