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For 118 casualties, the Ottomans sank three battleships, severely damaged three others and inflicted seven hundred casualties on the British-French fleet. There were calls amongst the British, particularly from Churchill, to press on with the naval attack and De Robeck advised on 20 March that he was reorganising his minesweepers. Churchill responded that he was sending four replacement ships; with the exception of Inflexible, the ships were expendable. It is not correct that the ammunition of the guns was low: they could have repulsed two more attacks. The crews of the sunken battleships replaced the civilians on the trawler minesweepers and were much more willing to keep sweeping under fire. The US Ambassador to Constantinople, Henry Morgenthau, reported that Constantinople expected to be attacked and that the Ottomans felt they could only hold out for a few hours if the attack had resumed on 19 March. Further, he thought that Turkey itself might well disintegrate as a state once the capital fell. The main minefields at the narrows, over ten layers deep, were still intact and protected by the smaller shore guns that had not seen any action on 18 March. These and other defences further in the strait had not exhausted their ammunition and resources yet. It was not a given that one more push by the fleet would have resulted in passage to Marmara Sea. Churchill had anticipated losses and considered them a necessary tactical price. In June 1915, he discussed the campaign with the war correspondent Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett, who had returned to London to deliver uncensored reports. Ashmead-Bartlett was incensed at the loss of ships and lives but Churchill responded that the ships were expendable. To place the losses into perspective, the Navy had ordered six hundred new ships during the period Admiral Fisher was First Sea Lord, approximately corresponding with the length of the Dardanelles campaign. De Robeck wrote on 18 March, After losing so many ships I shall obviously find myself superseded tomorrow morning. The fleet lost more ships than the Royal Navy had suffered since the Battle of Trafalgar; on 23 March, de Robeck telegraphed to the Admiralty that land forces were needed. He later told the Dardanelles Commission investigating the campaign, that his main reason for changing his mind, was concern for what might happen in the event of success, that the fleet might find itself at Constantinople or on the Marmara sea fighting an enemy which did not simply surrender as the plan assumed, without any troops to secure captured territory. With the failure of the naval assault, the idea that land forces could advance around the backs of the Dardanelles forts and capture Constantinople gained support as an alternative and on 25 April, the Gallipoli campaign commenced.


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>For 118 casualties, the Ottomans ~ repulsed two more attacks. ⇒オスマン軍は、118人の死傷者と引き換えに、3隻の戦艦を沈没させ、他の3隻に深刻な損害を与え、英国・フランス艦隊に700人の犠牲者を負わせた。英国軍の中から、特にチャーチルから海軍の攻撃を続けるようにとの要請があって、ド・ロベックは3月20日に掃海艇を再編成することを助言した。チャーチルは、4隻の交代船艦を送ると答えた。インフレキシブル号を除き、船艦は消耗品であった。砲弾の弾薬が問題だったというのは正しくない。というのも、彼らはさらに2回の攻撃を撃退できたかもしれなかったのだから。 >The crews of the sunken ~ once the capital fell. ⇒沈没した戦艦の乗組員は、トロール船の掃海艇に乗っていた民間人と交代し、砲火の下で厭わず掃海を続行した。コンスタンチノープル駐在米国大使ヘンリー・モーゲンソーは、コンスタンチノープルが攻撃され得ると予想し、攻撃が3月19日に再開された場合、オスマン軍は数時間しか耐えられそうもないとの感触を報告した。さらに彼は、首都が崩壊すると、国家としてのトルコ自体が崩壊する可能性が高いと考えた。 >The main minefields at the narrows ~ a necessary tactical price. ⇒狭部海峡の主な機雷原は深さ10層以上で、まだ無傷のままであり、3月18日には全然使われなかった小型の海岸砲で保護されていた。海峡におけるあちこちの防御施設では、まだ弾薬と資源を使い果たしてはいなかった。艦隊がさらにもう一押し圧力をかけても、マルマラ海への通過(可能性)がもたらされることは保証の限りではなかった。チャーチルは損失を予想したが、それは必要な戦術的代償と見なした。 >In June 1915, he discussed ~ De Robeck wrote on 18 March,  After losing so many ships ~ superseded tomorrow morning. ⇒1915年6月、彼は海戦について、未検閲の報告書を提出するためにロンドンに戻った戦争通信員エリス・アシュミード-バートレットと話し合った。アシュミード-バートレットは船艦と生命の損失に激怒したが、チャーチルは、船艦は消耗品である(戦略上、犠牲もやむなし)、と答えた。損失を予測するために、海軍はダーダネルス海戦の長さにほぼ対応して、フィッシャー提督が海軍大臣であった期間に600隻の新しい船を注文した。ド・ロベックは3月18日にこう書いた。  私はあまりにも多くの船を失ったので、明日の朝には、間違いなく取って代わられる目に会うことになるだろう。 >The fleet lost more ships ~ the Gallipoli campaign commenced. ⇒艦隊は、英国海軍が「トラファルガーの戦い」から被ったよりも多くの船艦を失った。3月23日、ド・ロベックは海軍本部に陸軍の軍団が必要である、と電報を送った。彼は後に、この海戦を調査している「ダーダネルス委員会」にこう語った。彼の考えを変えた主な理由は、成功した場合に何が起こるかについての懸念であり、艦隊はコンスタンチノープルまたはマルマラ海で敵との海上戦を戦うことになったかも知れないが、しかしその敵は、計画が仮定したように、占領された領土を確保する軍隊もなく、ただ降伏するだけではないだろう(黙って見てはいないだろう)、という懸念であった。海軍の攻撃が失敗しても、陸軍がダーダネルス要塞の背後を前進し、コンスタンチノープルを占領できるだろう、という考えが代替案として支持を得て、4月25日にガリポリ野戦が開始された。





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    After the war, Churchill wrote, All they saw was that the British did not hesitate to hazard their greatest vessels as well as their light craft in the most daring offensive action and had escaped apparently unscathed. They felt as we should have felt had German destroyers broken into the Solent and their battle cruisers penetrated as far as the Nab. The results of this action were far-reaching. Henceforward, the weight of British Naval prestige lay heavy across all German sea enterprise ... The German Navy was indeed "muzzled". Except for furtive movements by individual submarines and minelayers, not a dog stirred from August till November. — Churchill The Germans knew nothing of our defective staff work or the risks we had run. — Churchill Lieutenant Stephen King-Hall on Southampton, later wrote about the battle that As may be deduced from these extracts the staff work was almost criminally negligent and it was a near miracle that we did not sink one or more of our submarines or that one of them did not sink us. Furthermore if anyone had suggested, say in 1917, that our battle-cruisers should rush about without anti-submarine protection and hundreds of miles away from the battle fleet in a mine infested area a few miles from the German battle fleet, he would have been certified on the spot. It was because the presence of unsupported battle-cruisers was absurd that the logical Germans were sitting in Wilhelmshafen unable to move because the tide was too low on the bar of the Jade river! I should like to be able to write that this important hydrographical circumstance was part of the plan, but it was only discovered long afterwards. Nevertheless the strategical and indeed political consequences of this affair were of great importance. The German Navy was manned by a personnel no less courageous and at least as well trained as our own; their ships were superior type for type; their gunnery was more accurate. Yet in the mind of every German seaman was the reflection that they were challenging the might of a navy which, by and large, had dominated the seas for four centuries. The German seaman had a respect and almost traditional veneration for the British Royal navy, and entered the war with an inferiority complex in striking contrast to the superiority complex which the German Army felt towards all other armies. It was therefore a rude shock to the German Navy ... to learn of this audacious manoeuvre and successful engagement literally within sight of the main German base. — King-Hall

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    The Atlantic U-boat campaign of World War I (sometimes called the "first battle of the Atlantic", in reference to the World War II campaign of that name) was the prolonged naval conflict between German submarines and the Allied navies in Atlantic waters—the seas around the British Isles, the North Sea and the coast of France. Initially the U-boat campaign was directed against the British Grand Fleet. Later U-boat fleet action was extended to include action against the trade routes of the Allied powers. This campaign was highly destructive, and resulted in the loss of nearly half of Britain's merchant marine fleet during the course of the war. To counter the German submarines, the Allies moved shipping into convoys guarded by destroyers, blockades such as the Dover Barrage and minefields were laid, and aircraft patrols monitored the U-boat bases.

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    The first attacks on merchant ships had started in October 1914. At that time there was no plan for a concerted U-boat offensive against Allied trade. It was recognized the U-boat had several drawbacks as a commerce raider, and such a campaign risked alienating neutral opinion. In the six months to the opening of the commerce war in February 1915, U-boats had sunk 19 ships, totalling 43,000 GRT.

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    The British had by 1916 put up an effective blockade of Germany. Germany’s northern coastline was very small and any blockade was easy to enforce. Up to 1916, the German High Seas Fleet had been commanded by Admiral von Poul. He was considered to be too passive in his approach to what the German Navy could do. In 1916, von Poul was replaced by the far more aggressive Admiral Reinhardt von Scheer. He decided that the blockade had gone too far and was causing too much damage to Germany. Scheer wanted to lure out of their respective naval bases parts of the British fleet and using a combination of submarines and surface boats attack and destroy them. On the night of the 24th and 25th of April 1916, the German Navy attacked the coastal towns of Lowestoft and Yarmouth. The idea was that the British fleet would respond to this.

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    The Montenegrin Campaign of World War I, which was fought in January 1916, was a part of the Serbian Campaign, in which Austria Hungary defeated and occupied the Kingdom of Montenegro, an ally of Serbia. By January 1916, the Serbian Army had been defeated by an Austrian-Hungarian, German and Bulgarian invasion. The remnants of the Serbian army had withdrawn through Montenegro and Albania, and were being evacuated by allied ships since 12 December, first to Italy and later to Corfu. The k.u.k. High command in Teschen, decided to use the success in Serbia to knock Montenegro out of the war.

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    On the night between 31 October and 1 November 1918, a small Italian human torpedo called "Mignatta", which carried two men, entered the base of Pola and placed a limpet mine below the hull of the anchored battleship SMS Viribus Unitis. Unknown to them, the entire Austrian fleet had just been handed over to the new National Council of Slovenes, Croats and Serbs; this had happened in the evening of 31 October, when the Italian ships assigned to the operation had already left the port, and thus could not be informed.  After placing the mines, the two Italian operators were captured, and they informed the crew that the ship was going to sink, although they did not reveal that they had placed mines on the hull; however, the explosions were delayed and the crew started reboarding the ship, believing they were lying. Shortly thereafter, the mines exploded, causing the Viribus Unitis to sink. The Slav National Council made no efforts to raise the ship, as Italy occupied the region only a few days later.

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    Hampshire, named to commemorate the English county, was laid down by Armstrong Whitworth at their Elswick shipyard on 1 September 1902 and launched on 24 September 1903. She was completed on 15 July 1905 and was initially assigned to the 1st Cruiser Squadron of the Channel Fleet together with most of her sister ships. She began a refit at Portsmouth Royal Dockyard in December 1908 and was then assigned to the reserve Third Fleet in August 1909. She recommissioned in December 1911 for her assignment with the 6th Cruiser Squadron of the Mediterranean Fleet and was transferred to the China Station in 1912. When the war began, she was in Wei Hai Wei, and was assigned to the small squadron led by Vice Admiral Martyn Jerram, commander-in-chief of the China Station. She was ordered to destroy the German radio station at Yap together with the armoured cruiser Minotaur and the light cruiser Newcastle. En route the ships captured the collier SS Elspeth on 11 August and sank her; Hampshire was too short on coal by then to make the island so Jerram ordered her back to Hong Kong with the crew of the Elspeth. At the end of the month, she was ordered down to the Dutch East Indies to search for any German ships at sea, narrowly missing the German light cruiser Emden. The German ship had not been reported since the war began and she sailed into the Bay of Bengal and began preying upon unsuspecting British shipping beginning on 14 September.

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    After burying the dead and resting the survivors, Lukin advanced to Sidi Barrani and entered unopposed on 28 February. Sollum was reoccupied by British forces after an approach march of 390 kilometres (240 mi) on 14 March, having been hastily evacuated by the Senussi. Jaafar Pasha was taken to Cairo and having been deprived of his leadership, the Senussi revolt collapsed. The Senussi never again withstood a British attack and although the campaign lasted for several more months, desert conditions were more of an obstacle to British operations than Senussi resistance. The Senussi had an estimated 500 casualties and 39 men were captured, along with 60 camels loaded with dates and 40,000 rounds of ammunition. British casualties were 184 men, of whom the Dorset Yeomanry lost 32 killed and 26 wounded.

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    He had been present when de Robeck assumed command from Carden and was more senior but had been commanding the base at Mudros whereas de Robeck was with the fleet. Churchill had preferentially chosen de Robeck. On 7 December, it was decided by Cabinet to abandon the campaign. British submarine attacks had commenced in 1914, before the campaign proper had started. On 13 December, the submarine HMS B11 (Lieutenant-Commander Norman Holbrook) had entered the straits, avoiding five lines of mines and torpedoed the Ottoman battleship Mesûdiye, built in 1874, which was anchored as a floating fort in Sari Sighlar Bay, south of Çanakkale. Mesûdiye capsized in ten minutes, trapping many of the 673-man crew. Lying in shoal water, the hull remained above the surface so most men were rescued by cutting holes in the hull but 37 men were killed. The sinking was a triumph for the Royal Navy. Holbrook was awarded the Victoria Cross—the first Royal Navy VC of the war—and all twelve other crew members received awards. Coupled with the naval bombardment of the outer defences on 3 November, this success encouraged the British to pursue the campaign. The first French submarine operation also preceded the start of the campaign; on 15 January 1915, the French submarine Saphir negotiated the Narrows, passing the ten lines of mines before running aground at Nagara Point. Various accounts claim she was either mined, sunk by shellfire or scuttled, leaving fourteen crew dead and thirteen prisoners of war. On 17 April, the British submarine HMS E15 attempted to pass the straits but having dived too deep, was caught in a current and ran aground near Kepez Point, the southern tip of Sarı Sıĝlar Bay, under the guns of the Dardanos battery. Seven of the crew were killed and the remainder were captured. The beached E15 was a valuable prize for the Ottomans and the British went to great lengths to deny it to them and managed to sink it after numerous attempts. The first submarine to pass the straits was the Australian HMAS AE2 (Lieutenant-Commander Henry Stoker) which got through on the night of 24/25 April. The army landings at Cape Helles and Anzac Cove began at dawn on 25 April. Although AE2 sank one Ottoman destroyer, thought to be a cruiser, the submarine was thwarted by defective torpedoes in several other attacks. On 29 April, in Artaki Bay near Panderma, AE2 was sighted and hit by the Ottoman torpedo boat Sultanhisar. Abandoning ship, the crew was taken prisoner.

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    Allied fleets also played a role in coercing the Greek government to join the Allies and later supply the campaigns in Palestine and Macedonia. Although Germany was able to gain control of the Black Sea and part of the Russian fleet after the collapse of the Russian Empire, they were never able to break out into the Aegean. The German–Turkish fleet tried in 1918, but hit a minefield; the Breslau was sunk and the Goeben almost followed that fate, but the captain was able to run the ship aground and beach it before capsizing. The Goeben was not repaired until after the war. Allied fleets occupied Constantinople briefly after the Armistice of Mudros, until the new Turkish Republic under Mustafa Kemal took back control of the city in 1923. Allied ships did continue to intervene in Russia after the war ended, bringing expeditionary forces and supplies via the Mediterranean to the White armies in southern Russia.