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For 118 casualties, the Ottomans sank three battleships, severely damaged three others and inflicted seven hundred casualties on the British-French fleet. There were calls amongst the British, particularly from Churchill, to press on with the naval attack and De Robeck advised on 20 March that he was reorganising his minesweepers. Churchill responded that he was sending four replacement ships; with the exception of Inflexible, the ships were expendable. It is not correct that the ammunition of the guns was low: they could have repulsed two more attacks. The crews of the sunken battleships replaced the civilians on the trawler minesweepers and were much more willing to keep sweeping under fire. The US Ambassador to Constantinople, Henry Morgenthau, reported that Constantinople expected to be attacked and that the Ottomans felt they could only hold out for a few hours if the attack had resumed on 19 March. Further, he thought that Turkey itself might well disintegrate as a state once the capital fell. The main minefields at the narrows, over ten layers deep, were still intact and protected by the smaller shore guns that had not seen any action on 18 March. These and other defences further in the strait had not exhausted their ammunition and resources yet. It was not a given that one more push by the fleet would have resulted in passage to Marmara Sea. Churchill had anticipated losses and considered them a necessary tactical price. In June 1915, he discussed the campaign with the war correspondent Ellis Ashmead-Bartlett, who had returned to London to deliver uncensored reports. Ashmead-Bartlett was incensed at the loss of ships and lives but Churchill responded that the ships were expendable. To place the losses into perspective, the Navy had ordered six hundred new ships during the period Admiral Fisher was First Sea Lord, approximately corresponding with the length of the Dardanelles campaign. De Robeck wrote on 18 March, After losing so many ships I shall obviously find myself superseded tomorrow morning. The fleet lost more ships than the Royal Navy had suffered since the Battle of Trafalgar; on 23 March, de Robeck telegraphed to the Admiralty that land forces were needed. He later told the Dardanelles Commission investigating the campaign, that his main reason for changing his mind, was concern for what might happen in the event of success, that the fleet might find itself at Constantinople or on the Marmara sea fighting an enemy which did not simply surrender as the plan assumed, without any troops to secure captured territory. With the failure of the naval assault, the idea that land forces could advance around the backs of the Dardanelles forts and capture Constantinople gained support as an alternative and on 25 April, the Gallipoli campaign commenced.

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>For 118 casualties, the Ottomans ~ repulsed two more attacks. ⇒オスマン軍は、118人の死傷者と引き換えに、3隻の戦艦を沈没させ、他の3隻に深刻な損害を与え、英国・フランス艦隊に700人の犠牲者を負わせた。英国軍の中から、特にチャーチルから海軍の攻撃を続けるようにとの要請があって、ド・ロベックは3月20日に掃海艇を再編成することを助言した。チャーチルは、4隻の交代船艦を送ると答えた。インフレキシブル号を除き、船艦は消耗品であった。砲弾の弾薬が問題だったというのは正しくない。というのも、彼らはさらに2回の攻撃を撃退できたかもしれなかったのだから。 >The crews of the sunken ~ once the capital fell. ⇒沈没した戦艦の乗組員は、トロール船の掃海艇に乗っていた民間人と交代し、砲火の下で厭わず掃海を続行した。コンスタンチノープル駐在米国大使ヘンリー・モーゲンソーは、コンスタンチノープルが攻撃され得ると予想し、攻撃が3月19日に再開された場合、オスマン軍は数時間しか耐えられそうもないとの感触を報告した。さらに彼は、首都が崩壊すると、国家としてのトルコ自体が崩壊する可能性が高いと考えた。 >The main minefields at the narrows ~ a necessary tactical price. ⇒狭部海峡の主な機雷原は深さ10層以上で、まだ無傷のままであり、3月18日には全然使われなかった小型の海岸砲で保護されていた。海峡におけるあちこちの防御施設では、まだ弾薬と資源を使い果たしてはいなかった。艦隊がさらにもう一押し圧力をかけても、マルマラ海への通過(可能性)がもたらされることは保証の限りではなかった。チャーチルは損失を予想したが、それは必要な戦術的代償と見なした。 >In June 1915, he discussed ~ De Robeck wrote on 18 March,  After losing so many ships ~ superseded tomorrow morning. ⇒1915年6月、彼は海戦について、未検閲の報告書を提出するためにロンドンに戻った戦争通信員エリス・アシュミード-バートレットと話し合った。アシュミード-バートレットは船艦と生命の損失に激怒したが、チャーチルは、船艦は消耗品である(戦略上、犠牲もやむなし)、と答えた。損失を予測するために、海軍はダーダネルス海戦の長さにほぼ対応して、フィッシャー提督が海軍大臣であった期間に600隻の新しい船を注文した。ド・ロベックは3月18日にこう書いた。  私はあまりにも多くの船を失ったので、明日の朝には、間違いなく取って代わられる目に会うことになるだろう。 >The fleet lost more ships ~ the Gallipoli campaign commenced. ⇒艦隊は、英国海軍が「トラファルガーの戦い」から被ったよりも多くの船艦を失った。3月23日、ド・ロベックは海軍本部に陸軍の軍団が必要である、と電報を送った。彼は後に、この海戦を調査している「ダーダネルス委員会」にこう語った。彼の考えを変えた主な理由は、成功した場合に何が起こるかについての懸念であり、艦隊はコンスタンチノープルまたはマルマラ海で敵との海上戦を戦うことになったかも知れないが、しかしその敵は、計画が仮定したように、占領された領土を確保する軍隊もなく、ただ降伏するだけではないだろう(黙って見てはいないだろう)、という懸念であった。海軍の攻撃が失敗しても、陸軍がダーダネルス要塞の背後を前進し、コンスタンチノープルを占領できるだろう、という考えが代替案として支持を得て、4月25日にガリポリ野戦が開始された。

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