The Challenges of Higher Education and Rising Tuition Fees
- When I had the chance to go to college, my mother was against it because she wanted me to get a job and bring money into the house. However, thanks to government funding, I was able to pursue higher education for free.
- In the past, the government funded higher education for students who managed to get in, making it accessible to everyone except the rich. This opportunity allowed me to climb the social ladder. Unfortunately, things have changed now.
- The number of universities has increased significantly over the years, and more students than ever are going to college. As a result, the government can no longer afford to fully subsidize education, shifting the burden onto students upon graduation.
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(1)When I had the chance to go to college my mother was against it because she wanted me to go out and get a job and bring some money into the house. This was (1) the fact that the government was going to pay for my fees, my books and even my living costs. (2)The government paid for any student who managed to get into higher education and only denied funding to the rich. Without such funding it would have been out of the (2) for me to go on with my education and therefore climb my way higher up the food chain. Looking back now, I shall always be grateful to those post-war politicians and officials who (3) the welfare state and gave me the gift of a free education, free medical treatment and the safety net of unemployment benefit. Those were the days. Harold MacMillan, a Conservative Prime Minister of the era, famously said, “You've never had it so good.” And he was right. Today is very different. (3)(4) of the 47 universities that existed by the early sixties there are now over one hundred and the percentage of school leavers going into university education has gone from less than 10% to over 60%. Clearly the government can now no longer afford to subsidise education as it once did and the burden will fall on the students when they graduate. The baby-boomers who benefitted from free education are now the parents or even grandparents of these children. They can sometimes help financially but more often than not they have enough to worry about struggling to survive on inadequate pensions. (4)Students and their parents are facing further nightmares as universities have recently been given permission to charge commercial tuition fees. This means that on average fees will probably double and in many cases triple. The likely effects on student recruitment and on the quality of education can only be guessed at. The present government insists that students can manage the rises because these fees will not be charged until students graduate and get a job paying over 21,000 GBP. This is hardly a fortune and is, in fact, slightly below the average annual income in Britain. The new policy has brought a storm of protest from students, parents and leftist activists. The National Union of Students organised a demonstration in London against the fee rises. This went off peacefully at the beginning with thousands of students and others taking part in an orderly march to Parliament. Unfortunately on the way, some students, possibly under the influence of alcohol and egged on by more violent minded elements of crowd, stormed the Conservative Party's London headquarters. Grass doors were broken, the light security force was overwhelmed and protesters entered the building causing havoc. Furniture was smashed, offices were broken into and their contents destroyed. Even fire extinguishers were thrown from upper floors. Some protesters and police officers were injured. It was chaos. The police admitted later that they were not prepared for such violence. 【設問】 ( )に入れる適切な語 (1) アdespiteイin spiteウinsteadエthanks to (2) アeconomyイproblemウquestionエsituation (3) アfindイfoundウfoundedエhad found (4) アBecauseイDespiteウInsteadエRegardless 自分はエウウアを選んでみました。難しく感じました。
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(1) 私が大学に行く機会を得たとき、私の母はそれに反対でした、なぜならば、彼女は、私が社会に出て就職し、家にいくばくかのお金を入れることを望んだからでした。 これは、政府が私の学費、書籍代、生活費さえ支払ってくれると言う事実にもかかわらずでした。 (2) どうにか高等教育機関に入学できる学生には誰にでも政府がお金を出してくれたのでした、ただし、お金持ちに資金を出すことだけは政府は拒否しました。 そのような資金提供がなければ、私が教育を続けて、したがって、食物連鎖のより高くへ私の道を登ることは問題外でした。今振り返ってみると、社会保障制度を創設して、私に無料の教育、無料の医療、失業手当と言う安全網の贈り物を与えてくれた戦後の政治家と役人に私は常に感謝するでしょう。 あのころはよかったのです。 当時の保守党首相ハロルド・マクミランが「あなたたちが、これまでそれほど恵まれたことはありませんでした。」と言ったのは有名です。そして、彼は正しかったのです。 今日は、とても違っています。 (3) 60年代前半までに存在した47の大学の代わりに、今では、100以上の大学があります、そして、大学教育に入ってくる卒業生の割合は10%未満から60%以上になりました。 明らかに、政府は、今ではもはや、かつてのように、教育に助成金を支給する余裕はありません、それで、学生が卒業すると、負担が学生に襲いかかるのです。無料の教育から恩恵を受けたベビーブーム世代は、現在、これらの子供たちの両親、あるいは、祖父母にさえなっています。 彼らは、資金的な援助が出来る時もありますが、たいてい、自分たちが不十分な年金でやりくりしていく苦労について十分に心配しなければならないのです。 (4) 大学が商業的な授業料を請求する許可を最近与えられて、学生と彼らの両親は更なる悪夢に直面しています。 これは、平均して、授業料がおそらく２倍、多くの場合３倍になることを意味します。 新入生募集と教育の質に関しておこりそうな影響は、推測できるに過ぎません。現在の政府は、学生が値上がり分を何とかやりくりできると主張しています、なぜならば、これらの料金は、学生が卒業して、21,000英国ポンド以上の給与の仕事に就くまで請求されないからです。 これ（21,000英国ポンド）はほとんど大金ではありません、実際、英国の平均年収をわずかに下回る額です。新しい方針は、学生、親、左翼活動家から嵐のような抗議をもたらしました。 全国学生連合は、学費値上げに反対してロンドンでデモを組織しました。 このデモは、最初、数千人の学生と他の人々が、議会までの整然とした行進に参加して、平和的に出発しました。残念なことに、途中で、おそらくアルコールに酔い、群衆のより暴力を志向する人々にけしかけられて、一部の学生が、保守党のロンドン本部を襲撃しました。 ガラス【Grass ⇒ Glass?】のドアは壊され、軽武装の治安部隊は圧倒されました、そして、抗議者は建物に侵入し、大混乱を引き起こしました。家具は壊され、オフィスは押し入られました、そして、オフィスの備品は破壊されました。 消火器さえ、上の階から投げ落とされました。 数名の抗議者と警官が、負傷しました。 それは、混沌でした。 警察は後に、そのような暴力に対する準備ができていなかったと認めました。 【設問】 ( )に入れる適切な語 (1) ア despite (2) ウ question (3) ウ founded (4) ウ Instead ☆【設問】(1) ですが、結局著者は政府の援助で大学進学を果たした様ですから、エ thanks to も考えましたが、その前の文章とのつながりから、ア despite としました。間違えているかもしれません。 ☆(4)段落 egg:次の【2他動】 http://eow.alc.co.jp/search?q=egg
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- bakansky
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私も (1) ～ (3) は質問者と同じ答えにするだろうと思います。 問題は (4) ですね。 > (4) of the 47 universities that existed by the early sixties there are now over one hundred and the percentage of school leavers going into university education has gone from less than 10% to over 60%. 「６０年台初頭には47の大学があったが、今では100を越える大学があり、大学進学率は10%以下だったのが60%を越えるまでになった」 これは微妙ですが、私は (ア) はまず除外しました。(ア） は理由を示すもので、この文は大学の数が増えた 「理由」 を述べたものではないからです。 （イ） の despite だと、何らかの不利な条件が存在して、そういう不利にも かかわらず という意味になり、これもそぐわない気がします。 （ウ） の Instead はちょっと良さそうに思えました。「・・・ の代わりに」 という意味なので、「47校の代わりに100校がある」 という意味に取れなくもない。「47校に置き換えて」 という意味に取れば取れなくもないような・・・ （エ） の regardless は 「・・・ をいとわず」 という意味になって、これも不適切な気がします。 ということで、最終的には確信は持てないものの （ウ） ではどうだろうかという結論に達しました。しかし、正解かどうかは分かりませんが、ご参考までに。
お礼
回答ありがとうございました。 (4)の選択肢を一つずつ解説して頂き助かりました。 参考にします。
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In putting down the strike, von Tessmar was ruthlessly efficient, but he was not required to resort to the executions that he had threatened. Within nine days, the strike was defeated and the leaders arrested. The two ringleaders were then sentenced by German court-martial in Trier to ten years imprisonment, to the disgust of the government. The continued refusal of the German authorities to respect the Luxembourgish government, and the humiliating manner in which the strike was put down by German military muscle rather than the Luxembourgish gendarmerie, were too much for Thorn. On 19 June 1917, the government resigned.
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こちらの続きの文です。 http://okwave.jp/qa/q7824837.html This kind of reaction to what are seen as unfair (1) by the government isn't unheard of in British society but it hasn't happened for a long time. Similar attempts by other European countries, such as France, Italy and Greece to introduce cutbacks in educational budgets brought (2) similar violent protests. Western European governments are attempting to deal with a continuing financial and economic crisis by reducing public spending and that inevitably means that education budgets have to be cut, for education is a big ticket item. But these cuts are painful and go against the grain of social trends that have been a central part of European life for the past century. It is just unthinkable to many people that education should be a business like any other where customers are simply charged the going rate. But there are people who are very willing to pay the going rate and even more. Such people are the rich. There are rich people in Britain and rich foreigners who view the rises with equanimity and who think the price of admission to a British education is worth every penny. Over the last decade there has been a huge influx in the number of foreign students to Britain. Rich Russians, Chinese, Arabs, and Indians are more than willing to shell out the 27,000-35,000 GBP it takes to educate a student each year, including living expenses. That is more than the average British person makes in a year. Ordinary British people view with horror their education system being hijacked by the rich from both inside and outside the country. But the policy of the present British government is to encourage this practice and indeed rich immigrants are being welcomed to come and live in the U.K. whilst ordinary immigrants face a cap placed on numbers allowed in. Thus the education policies fit nearly into the immigration policies of the government. However, we should ask, “What is the price of this commercialisation of education?” At the moment around half the number of graduate students at Cambridge University aren't British. This is reflected in the figures for students in graduate education in universities up and down the country. This is a good thing in that Britain is benefitting from the input of the cream of the world's young minds. However, does this mean also that standards might be dropping with the inflow of so many foreign students who sometimes get a place simply because they have the means to pay the fees? University administrators and academics assure us that this isn't the case. However, we need to take those assurances with a pinch of salt. It is a fact, for example, that many of those students need language support at the universities and programmes for English for academic purposes, both pre-sessional, are expanding. There are services being advertised on the Internet that, for a price, offer to write essays and academic papers for those students who lack the skills to do so themselves. These developments point to an academic literacy black hole. Perhaps more importantly though, I wonder whether people like me who couldn't afford higher education at will lose out in this new education business. 【設問】 ・(1)に入れる適切な語 アassurances イissues ウmeasures エproblems ・(2)に入れる適切な語 アabout イin ウout エover ・文中、with a pinch of saltの意味 ア額面通りに イ誇張して ウ大胆に エ割り引いて ・文中、for a price の意味 アcheaply イexpensively ウpricelessly エpeasonably 自分はウアアイを選びました。一つ目の設問の選択肢中の、issuesとproblems二つとも「問題」の意味になるのが気になり、選びにくかったです。
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During this period, Luxembourg was allowed to retain its own government and political system, but all proceedings were overshadowed by the German army's presence. Despite the overbearing distraction of the occupation, the Luxembourgish people attempted to lead their lives as normally as possible. The political parties attempted to focus on other matters, such as the economy, education, and constitutional reform. The domestic political environment was further complicated by the death of Paul Eyschen, who had been Prime Minister for 27 years. With his death came a string of short-lived governments, culminating in rebellion, and constitutional turmoil after the withdrawal of German soldiers.
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The Ottoman High Command failed to make up the losses of 1915. The war in Gallipoli was using all the resources and manpower. The IX, X and XI Corps could not be reinforced and in addition to that the 1st and 5th Expeditionary Forces were deployed to Mesopotamia Campaign which did not show signs of ending soon. Ottoman High Command recognizing the dire situation on other fronts, decided that this region was of secondary importance. As of January 1916, Ottoman forces were 126,000 men, only 50,539 being combat soldiers. There were 74,057 rifles, 77 machine guns and 180 pieces of artillery. Many of the guns which were supposed to defend the city had been moved to Gallipoli to counter the British forces. The guns that were left in the region were older weapons and not in very good condition. The soldiers were not in good condition. They suffered from inadequate food as was typical of many Turkish soldiers at that time. Ottoman forces in the Caucasus Campaign were big on paper, but not on the ground. Another source claim that 78,000 troops were in this region, perhaps associating the number of rifles to actual soldiers.
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英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えてください よろしくお願いします！！ The FDJ was founded on 7 March 1946 and systematically built up under the leadership of the later SED general secretary, Erich Honecker, as a youth organization allegedly ‘above party affiliation’. Arrested by the Gestapo in 1937. Honecker, a roofer born at Wiebelskirchen in the Saarland, had survived to be liberated by the Red Army on 27 April 1945. In May he joined the ‘Ulbricht Group’ and as youth secretary of the CC of the KPD built up the ‘Antifa’ youth committees, which led to the founding of the FDJ in 1946. According to official statistics, approximately 70 per cent of young people between 14 and 25 in the GDR were members of the FDJ. The proportion of school pupils and students was particularly high. The officials of the FDJ were often at the same time members of the SED.
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The colonial government also begun attacking the rights of missionaries in Nyasaland and, although Anglican missions, those of the Scottish churches and Catholic missions were not affected, it banned many smaller, often American-originated churches, including the Churches of Christ and Watchtower Society, from Nyasaland, and placed restrictions on other African-run churches. Public gatherings, especially those associated with African-initiated religious groups, were banned until 1919. Fear of similar uprisings in other colonies, notably Northern Rhodesia, also led to similar repression of independent churches and foreign missions beyond Nyasaland. Though the rebellion failed, the threat to colonial rule posed by the Chilembwe revolt compelled the local authorities to introduce some reform. The colonial government proposed to undermine the power of independent churches like Chilembwe's, by promoting secular education but lack of funding made this impossible. The government began to promote tribal loyalties in the colony, through the system of indirect rule, which was expanded after the revolt. In particular, the Muslim Yao people, who attempted to distance themselves from Chilembwe, were given more power and autonomy. Although delayed by the war, the Nyasaland Police, which had been primarily composed of African askaris levied by local white officials, was restructured as a professional force of white colonists. Forced labour was retained, and would remain a resentment for decades afterwards. In the aftermath of the revolt, the colonial administration formed a Commission of Enquiry to examine the causes and handling of the rebellion. The Commission, which presented its conclusions in early 1916, found that the revolt was chiefly caused by mismanagement of the Bruce plantation. The Commission also blamed Livingstone himself for "treatment of natives [that was] often unduly harsh" and for poor management of the estate. The Commission found that the systematic discrimination, lack of freedoms and respect were key causes of resentment among the local population. It also emphasised the effect of Booth's ideology on Chilembwe. The Commission's reforms were not far-reaching—though it criticised the thangata system, it made only minor changes aimed at ending "casual brutality". Though the government passed laws banning plantation owners from using the services of their tenants as payment of rent in 1917, effectively abolishing thangata, it was "uniformly ignored". A further Commission in 1920 concluded that the thangata could not be effectively abolished, and it remained a constant source of friction into the 1950s.
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Tactical developments Field artillery available to the British divisions covered a 1-mile (1.6 km) front, with 19 heavy guns in support, while the Tenth Army divisional frontages were .75-mile (1.21 km) wide with 35 heavy guns. The smaller number of British guns was matched by a lack of ammunition. The offensives were to begin with a continuous and methodical bombardment for 96 hours, in which counter-battery fire was as important as trench destruction. A four-hour intense bombardment was to be fired, before the infantry attacks in Artois and Champagne began simultaneously on 25 September. The infantry were to advance as an "irresistible mass", with reserves arranged in depth to move forward at the same time as the leading troops, ready to take over and maintain the momentum of the assault. Previous attacks in Artois had been obstructed by the many villages and industrial premises in the region, which were easy for the Germans to fortify and use to delay attacks. The Franco-British heavy artillery was to be used to destroy German fortified houses and villages, which were proof against field artillery. Such tactics were expected to break through both German defensive positions and enable the cavalry to rush forward and widen the breakthroughs, before advancing on distant objectives in Belgium. If the attacks succeeded the rest of the Franco-British-Belgian armies would join in a general offensive and force the German armies into open warfare, in which Allied numerical superiority would be overwhelming. The artillery of the 9th (Scottish) Division was arranged in two mobile groups and a reserve. One field artillery brigade supported each of the two attacking infantry brigades and two howitzer brigades with a mountain battery, were held back for counter-battery fire and targets of opportunity on the divisional front. The three brigade field companies of the Royal Engineers and the pioneer battalion were placed in reserve. Two 9.2-inch howitzers were dug in near a wood at Beuvry with arrangements made for ground and air observation of their fire and Russian saps were dug towards the redoubt. On the night before the attack the saps were opened and the ends joined, to make a jumping-off trench 150 yards (140 m) away from the face of the redoubt.[5]The 9th Division commanded by Major-General George Thesiger was to attack with 26th Brigade and 28th Brigade on a front of 1,500 yards (1,400 m) between the left flank of the 7th Division and the Vermelles–La Bassée railway to capture the German front and support trenches. The divisional objectives were the buildings and dump of Fosse 8 and the Hohenzollern Redoubt. The Dump was a flat-topped spoil-heap 20 feet (6.1 m) high with a commanding view and had been made the principal German observation post in the area. When captured The Dump would give the British observation over Haisnes and St. Elie. On the right the 26th Brigade with two battalions, was to overrun the Hohenzollern Redoubt and Fosse 8 in the first rush. The two supporting battalions would then attack south of the fosse and advance on Haisnes, while the leading battalions reorganised to follow on in support, as the fosse was consolidated by the 28th Brigade. The division was then to capture the redoubt, The Dump and Fosse 8 before advancing to the Lens–La Bassée road; after reaching the road the division was to press on to the German second position between Cité St. Elie and Haisnes. The 27th Brigade in reserve, was then to advance through Douvrin to the Haute Deûle Canal (Canal de la Deûle), with the 7th Division on the right flank; XI Corps would then pass through to continue the advance.
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On 11 December, a British column sent to Duwwar Hussein was attacked along the Matruh–Sollum track and in the Affair of Wadi Senba, drove the Senussi out of the wadi. The reconnaissance continued and on 13 December at Wadi Hasheifiat, the British were attacked again and held up until artillery came into action in the afternoon and forced the Sanussi to retreat. The British returned to Matruh until 25 December and then made a night advance to surprise the Sanussi. At the Affair of Wadi Majid, the Sanussi were defeated but were able to withdraw to the west. Air reconnaissance found more Senussi encampments in the vicinity of Matruh at Halazin, which was attacked on 23 January, in the Affair of Halazin. The Senussi fell back skilfully and then attempted to envelop the British flanks. The British were pushed back on the flanks as the centre advanced and defeated the main body of Senussi, who were again able to withdraw. In February 1916, the Western Frontier Force was reinforced and a British column was sent west along the coast to re-capture Sollum. Air reconnaissance discovered a Senussi encampment at Agagia, which was attacked in the Action of Agagia on 26 February. The Senussi were defeated and then intercepted by the Dorset Yeomanry as they withdrew; the Yeomanry charged across open ground swept by machine-gun and rifle fire. The British lost half their horses and 58 of 184 men but prevented the Senussi from slipping away. Jaafar Pasha, the commander of the Senussi forces on the coast, was captured and Sollum was re-occupied by British forces on 14 March 1916, which concluded the coastal campaign.
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The Russian government promised Germany that its general mobilization did not mean preparation for war with Germany but was a reaction to the events between Austria-Hungary and Serbia. The German government regarded the Russian promise of no war with Germany to be nonsense in light of its general mobilization, and Germany in turn mobilized for war. On August 1, Germany sent an ultimatum to Russia stating that since both Germany and Russia were in a state of military mobilization, an effective state of war existed between the two countries.
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- 英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えてください
英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えていただきたいですよろしくお願いします！！ The FDJ was founded on 7 March 1946 and systematically built up under the leadership of the later SED general secretary, Erich Honecker, as a youth organization allegedly ‘above party affiliation’. Honecker, a roofer born at Wiebelskirchen in the Saarland, had survived to be liberated by the Red Army on 27 April 1945. In May he joined the ‘Ulbricht Group’ and as youth secretary of the CC of the KPD built up the ‘Antifa’ youth committees, which led to the founding of the FDJ in 1946. According to official statistics, approximately 70 per cent of young people between 14 and 25 in the GDR were members of the FDJ. The proportion of school pupils and students was particularly high. The officials of the FDJ were often at the same time members of the SED.
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回答ありがとうございました。 全訳例と解答例、助かりました。 悩んでの解答でしたが、なかなか正答には至らず、難しく思いました。 eggの用法も参考になります。