大学で読んでいる書籍とは？
- 大学の外国書購読講義で読んでいる書籍の題名がわからない問題について解決方法を求めています。
- 書籍にはDurkheim、Sombart、Gurvitch、Bendix and Lipset、Hirschman、Homansという人物が登場します。
- 外国書購読講義ではP6-13の範囲で「What is sociology?」、P19で「Sociology and history:sociological analysis of particular cases」、P39では「Sociology and functional systems」、P66-75では「Sociology and interdependent systems」という内容について学んでいます。
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大学で読んでいる書籍
大学の、外国書購読という講義で読んでいる書物があるのですが、 断片コピーのみ配布のため題名がわかりません。 どなたか、以下のヒントを頼りに題名がわかる方いらっしゃらないでしょうか？ P6-13 What is sociology? P19 TWO Sociology and history:sociological analysis of particular cases P39 THREE Sociology and functional systems P66-75 Sociology and interdependent systems 書籍内に登場する人物は、 Durkheim Sombart Gurvitch Bendix and Lipset Hirschman Homans です。 よろしくお願いします。
- ayapanch
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「Webcat Plus」 http://webcatplus.nii.ac.jp/ で探してみて下さい。ayapanchさんのお持ちの文献コピーで検索キーとなりそうな文章をそのまま「連想検索」に入れて検索して下さい。このデータベースには研究機関や大学図書館の蔵書情報が入っています。大学の講義で使われたなら入っているんじゃないでしょうか。あとは、ご自分の大学の図書館司書に聞くという手もあります。（これを「レファレンスサービス」と言います。）司書は資料探しのプロですので、きっと助けてくれると思います。原書が見つかるといいですね。
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- この英文の和訳をお願いします。
We evaluated <P(e, 0)> for 12 cases of e between 0 and 6: e=0.0, 0.01, 0.1, 0.5, 0.75, 0.9, 1.0, 1.2, 1.5, 2.0, 4.0, and 6.0. As for r_p, we considered three cases: r_p=0.005, 0.001, and 0.0002. These are representative values of radii of protoplanets at the Earth, Jupiter, and Neptune orbits regions, respectively. The numbers of collision orbits found by our orbital calculation are shown in Table 3 for representative values of e. From Table 3 we can expect the statistical errors in the evaluated collisional rate to be within 5% for the cases of e≦1.5 and within 8% for e=4 and 6; they are smaller than that of the previous studies by Nishida (1983) and by Wetherill and Cox (1985). The calculated collisional rate is summarized in terms of the enhancement factor defined by Eq. (27) and shown in Fig.11, as a function of e and r_p. From Fig.11 one can see that the collisional rate is always enhanced by the effect of solar gravity, compared with that of the two-body approximation <P(e,0)>_2B. In particular, in regions where e≦1, R(e,0) is almost independent of e, having a value as large as 3. At e≦1, R(e,0) has a notable peak beyond which the enhancement factor decreases gradually with increasing e. For large values of e, i.e., e≧4, <P(e,0)> tends rapidly to <P(e,0)>_2B. As seen in the next section, we will find a similar dependence on e even in the three-dimensional case (i≠0) as long as we are concerned with cases where i≦2. お手数ですが、よろしくお願いします。
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引用元はJohn H. GoldthorpeのThe uses of history in sociologyの一部です。 全体的にうまく訳せないので、よろしくお願いします。 To take up again the question of the uses of history in sociology may well appear regressive. For to do so implies, of course, making a distinction between history and sociology which would now be widely regarded as untenable. Thus, for example, Philip Abrams, in his highly influential book, Historical Sociology, has advanced the argument that since ‘history and sociology are and always have been the same thing’, any discussion of the relationship of one to the other must be misguided; and Abrams in turn quotes Giddens to the effect that ‘There simply are no logical or even methodological distinctions between the social sciences and history -appropriately conceived’.’ As Abrams is indeed aware, the position he adopts is in sharp contrast with that which would have been most common among sociologists two decades or so previously. At this earlier time, sociologists were for the most part anxious to differentiate their concerns from those of historians. For example, much use was made of the distinction between ‘idiographic’ and ‘nomothetic’ disciplines. History was idiographic: historians sought to particularise through the description of singular, unique phenomena. Sociology was nomothetic: sociologists sought to generalize through formulating theories that applied to categories of phenomena.’ However, all this was in the period before the British sociological community (anticipating Sir Keith Joseph) lost its nerve over the idea of ‘social science’- before, that is, the so-called ‘reaction against positivism’ of the late 1960s and 1970s created a new mood in which political radicalism went together with intellectual conservatism. My first contribution to the debate on ‘history and sociology’ dates back to this prelapsarian time, and was in fact a critique of the idiographic-nomothetic distinction.” My remarks were not especially well received by either historians or sociologists, and this present contribution may, I fear, prove similarly uncongenial. For what I would now think important is that attempts, such as that of Abrams and Giddens, to present history and sociology as being one and indistinguishable should be strongly resisted.” To avoid, if possible, being misunderstood, let me stress that I do not seek here to reestablish the idiographic-nomothetic distinction, or at least not as one of principle. ＃ I do not believe, for example, that sociologists can ever hope to produce theories that are of an entirely transhistorical kind; nor that historians can ever hope to produce descriptions that are free of general ideas about social action, process and structure. However, good grounds do still remain for refusing to accept the position that any distinction drawn between history and sociology must be meaningless. この文の that are以下の ”of ”の使い方もご指導のほどよろしくお願いします。 ＃ I do not believe, for example, that sociologists can ever hope to produce theories that are of an entirely transhistorical kind：
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Central control was only one facet of Tokugawa government; local autonomy was also an integral part. Throughout their history as national rulers, the shoguns retained direct control over no more than about a quarter of the territory and people of Japan. This area had as its two focal points the Kanto plain and the Kinai district, and was known as the tenryo, or “heavenly domain.” The remaining three-quarters of the country was parceled out among the daimyo t rule as their own domains (han). In addition to functioning as local entities, han were combined with the bakufu to form a unique, viable, and interdependent nations political order. tenryo 天領
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A few serious cases, who had not been ready to be moved, were evacuated the following day to begin their journey to Kantara on the Suez Canal. In an address to the troops after the battle, Chetwode expressed his appreciation for the mounted rifle and light horse method of attack. He said that in the history of warfare he had never known cavalry to not only locate and surround the opponent's position, but to dismount and fight as infantry with rifle and bayonet. On 28 September 1917 Chauvel, who by this time had been promoted by Allenby to command three mounted divisions in Desert Mounted Corps, wrote to General Headquarters –
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3. Examples of orbital calculations To find efficient numerical procedures for obtaining <P(e ,i)>, we have made detailed orbital calculations for two typical cases, (e, i)=(0, 0) and (1, 0.5). The former is the simplest case with a single parameter b, and corresponds to that studied by Giuli (1968), Nishida (1983) and Petit and Hénon (1986). In the latter, the orbit changes with three parameters b, τ, and ω in a complicated manner. From this example, we can see the characteristic features of orbits in the three-dimensional case. In the present examples, it is supposed that a protoplanet with a mean mass density 3gcm^-3, orbits in the Earth’s region. Furthermore, we adopt 1% as the limiting accuracy criterion for use of the two-body approximation. These give 0.005 and 0.03 for the radius of the protoplanet and that of the two-body sphere, respectively (see Eqs. (12) and (13)). よろしくお願いします。
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和訳お願いします! Financial ratio analysis In financial ratio analysis, the analyst examines the relationship between two numbers on the financial statements-in most cases dividing one number by the other-in order to draw conclusions about a company's financial condition. Although there are potentially as many ratios as there are pairs of financial statement numbers,our discussion will focus on nine ratios can tell us a lot about the financial health of a company. These ratios fall into three categories. Liquidity ratios and leverage ratios seek to answer the question,"Where do they stand?" The former focus on a company's ability to meet its near-term cash requirements, while the latter look at the relationship between liabilities and shareholders' equity. Profitability ratios,which assess a company's profitability, are one approach to answering the question, "How did they do?" The other approach involves an analysis of the cash flow statement,which is discussed in the last section of this chapter. よろしくお願いします。
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Comparative Historical Analysis, James Mahoney and Dietrich Rueschemeyerからの引用です。 下記の部分の和訳が上手くいきません。皆様の知恵をお貸しください。 よろしくお願いいたします。 Comparative historical analysis has a long and distinguished history in the social sciences. Those whom we now regard as the founders of modern social science,from Adam Smith to Alexis de Tocqueville to Karl Marx, all pursued comparative historical analysis as a central mode of investigation. In doing so, they continued a tradition of research that had dominated social thought for centuries. Even when social science began to organize itself into separate disciplines in the early twentieth century, comparative and historical investigation maintained a leading position, figuring prominently in the research of such eminent scholars as Otto Hintze, Max Weber, and Marc Bloch. Only by the mid-twentieth century did other approaches to social knowledge partially eclipse comparative historical research, going so far as to threaten its permanent decline. After some period of neglect, however, recent decades have witnessed a dramatic reemergence of the comparative historical tradition. Although important problems of analytic procedure and methodology remain,this mode of investigation has reasserted itself at the center of today’s social sciences. These recent advances derived from earlier developments. By the late 1970s and early 1980s,it was already clear that comparative historical research was experiencing a revival across the social sciences. In her concluding chapter in Vision and Method in Historical Sociology,for example, Theda Skocpol (1984a) pointed out that this kind of research was well beyond its days as an isolated mode of analysis carried out by a few older scholars dedicated to the classical tradition. Now, almost two decades later, few observers would deny that comparative historical research is again a leading mode of analysis, widely used throughout the social sciences. This volume seeks to assess the achievements of comparative historical research over the last thirty years, discuss persistent problems, and explore agendas for the future. we begin that task by delineating the distinctive features of this mode of analysis. We suggest that comparative historical analysis is best considered part of a long-standing intellectual project oriented toward the explanation of substantively important outcomes. It is defined by a concern with causal analysis, an emphasis on processes over time, and the use of systematic and contextualized comparison. In offering this definition, we intentionally exclude other analytical and methodological traits that are often associated with comparative historical analysis but that we do not consider part of its core features. For example, although many comparative historical analyses offer explanations based on social and political structures and their change, the research tradition is not inherently committed to structural explanation or any other single theoretical orientation. Likewise, while most work in the field employs qualitative forms of data analysis, comparative historical analysis is not characterized by any single method of descriptive and causal inference.
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The second feature seen from Fig.11 is that the profile of R(e,0) does not depend significantly on r_p (for r_p=0.005 to 0.0002). Only an exception is found near e≒1, but this is, in some sense, a singular point in R(e,0), which appears in a narrow region around e≒1 ( in fact, for e=0.9 and 1.2, there is no appreciable difference between r_p=0.005 and 0.0002). Thus, neglecting such fine structures in R(e,0), we can conclude that R(e,0) does depend very weakly on r_p. In other words, the dependence on r_p of <P(e,0)> is well approximated by that of <P(e,0)>_2B given by Eq. (28). Now, we will phenomenalogically show what physical quantity is related to the peak at e≒1. We introduce the collisional flux F(e,E) for orbits with e and E, where E is the Jacobi energy given by (see Eq. (15)) E=e^2/2-(3b^2)/8+9/2. (31) The collisional flux F(e,E) is defined by F(e,E)=(2/π)∫【‐π→π】p_col(e,i=0, b(E), τ)dτ. (32) From Eqs. (11) and (31), we obtain <P(e,0)>=∫F(e,E)dE. (33) In Fig.12, F(e,E) is plotted as a function of E for the cases of e=0, 0.5, 1.0, and 2.0. We can see from this figure that in the case of e=1 a large fraction of low energy planetesimals contributes to the collisional rate compared to other cases (even to the cases with e<1). In general, in the case of high energy a solution for the three-body problem can be well described by the two-body approximation: in other words, in the case of low energy a large difference would exist between a solution for the three-body problem and that in the two-body approximation. As shown before, this difference appears as an enhancement of the collisional rate. Thereby an enhancement factor peak is formed at e≒1 where a large fraction of low-energy planetesimals contributes to the collisional rate. よろしくお願いいたします。
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非常に難しい長文問題なのですが、文構造は大体わかります。しかし一体どういう内容のことを言っているのか、具体例がないので、イマイチよくわかりません。ヨーロッパの文化に精通していればよくわかると思うのですが、背景知識をもっていないので、イメージができません。詳しくご存じの方がいらっしゃる方がいらっしゃいましたら、教えていただけませんでしょうか。全体でなくとも、断片的なお答えでもいただけると大変うれしいです。とくにsecond の後から Left やら Right といった箇所がさっぱりです。よろしくお願いいたします。 In trying to identify a pattern in the cultural history of the West in the 20th century, three themes stand out. The first was the rise, impact, and dissolution of the cultural movement known as modernism, which profoundly affected the spirit and art of our century. Second, there was a continuing interaction between ideas and art on one side and political movements and institutions of power on the other. There was a culture of the Left and also a culture of the Right. Whatever may have been the cultural conditions of previous centuries, the social and political shaping of ideas and art is readily apparent in the twentieth century.
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Central control was only one facet of Tokugawa government; local autonomy was also an integral part. Throughout their history as national rulers, the shoguns retained direct control over no more than about a quarter of the territory and people of Japan. This area had as its two focal points the Kanto plain and the Kinai district, and was known as the tenryo, or “heavenly domain.” The remaining three-quarters of the country was parceled out among the daimyo t rule as their own domains (han). In addition to functioning as local entities, han were combined with the bakufu to form a unique, viable, and interdependent nations political order. 和訳 中央集権は徳川政権の一面に過ぎない。；地方自治も不可欠の部分であった。国の統治者としてのその歴史を通じて、将軍は日本という領土と人民のわずか約4分の1の直接統治を保持したに過ぎなかった。その範囲は、2つの中心点として、関東平野と畿内地域を持っていて、天領すなわち「天から与えられた領地」として知られた。国の残りの約4分の3は、大名の間で彼ら自身の領地（藩）として分配された。地方自治体としての機能に加えて、藩は幕府と組み合わさって、独特で発展性のある国家政治体制を形成した。
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