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質問

Despite its failure, the Chilembwe rebellion has since gained an important place in the modern Malawian cultural memory, with Chilembwe himself gaining "iconic status." The uprising had "local notoriety" in the years immediately after it, and former rebels were kept under police observation. Over the next three decades, anti-colonial activists idealised Chilembwe and began to see him as a semi-mythical figure. The Nyasaland African Congress (NAC) of the 1940s and 1950s used him as a symbolic figurehead, partly because its president, James Chinyama, had a family connection to Filipo Chinyama, who had been believed to be an ally of Chilembwe's.[60] When the NAC announced that it intended to mark 15 February annually as Chilembwe Day, colonial officials were scandalised. One wrote that to "venerate the memory of the fanatic and blood thirsty Chilembwe seems to us to be nothing less than a confession of violent intention."
D. D. Phiri, a Malawian historian, characterised Chilembwe's uprising as an early expression of Malawian nationalism, as did George Shepperson and Thomas Price in their 1958 book Independent African, an exhaustive study of Chilembwe and his rebellion that was banned during the colonial era but still widely read by the educated classes. Chilembwe became viewed as an "unproblematic" hero by many of the country's people. The Malawi Congress Party (MCP), which ultimately led the country to independence in 1964, made a conscious effort to identify its leader Hastings Banda with Chilembwe through speeches and radio broadcasts. Bakili Muluzi, who succeeded Banda in 1994, similarly invoked Chilembwe's memory to win popular support, inaugurating a new annual national holiday, Chilembwe Day, on 16 January 1995. Chilembwe's portrait was soon added to the national currency, the kwacha, and reproduced on Malawian stamps. It has been argued that for Malawian politicians, Chilembwe has become "symbol, legitimising myth, instrument and propaganda". The revolt has been the subject of much research and has been interpreted in various ways by historians. At the time, the uprising was generally considered to mark a turning point in colonial rule. The Governor of Nyasaland, George Smith, declared that the revolt marked a "new phase in the existence of Nyasaland".　 According to the military historian Hew Strachan, the Chilembwe uprising tarnished British prestige in East Africa which contributed, after the appointment of the future Prime Minister Bonar Law as Secretary of State for the Colonies, to renewed pressure for an Anglo-Belgian offensive against German East Africa.

回答No.1

Nakay702 · ベストアンサー

＞Despite its failure, the Chilembwe rebellion has since gained an important place in the modern Malawian cultural memory, with Chilembwe himself gaining "iconic status." The uprising had "local notoriety" in the years immediately after it, and former rebels were kept under police observation. Over the next three decades, anti-colonial activists idealised Chilembwe and began to see him as a semi-mythical figure.
⇒チレンブエの反乱は、その失敗にも拘わらず、その後チレンブエ自身が「聖像の地位」を獲得し、現代マラウイ文化の記憶の中で重要な立場を得た。この蜂起は、その直後の数年間に「地元の悪名」（という顰蹙）を買って、元反政府勢力は警察の監視下に置かれた。次の30年間にわたって、反植民地活動家はチレンブエを理想化し、彼を半ば神話上の人物に見始めた。

＞The Nyasaland African Congress (NAC) of the 1940s and 1950s used him as a symbolic figurehead, partly because its president, James Chinyama, had a family connection to Filipo Chinyama, who had been believed to be an ally of Chilembwe's.[60] When the NAC announced that it intended to mark 15 February annually as Chilembwe Day, colonial officials were scandalised. One wrote that to "venerate the memory of the fanatic and blood thirsty Chilembwe seems to us to be nothing less than a confession of violent intention."
⇒1940年代および1950年代の「ニヤサランドアフリカ会議」（NAC）は、その議長であるジェームズ・チニャマがチレンブエの同盟者であると信じられていたフィリポ・チニャマの血縁関係者ということもあって、象徴的な人物として彼を（議長に）立てた。NACが、毎年2月15日を「チレンブエの日」として記念するつもりであると発表したとき、植民地の役人は憤慨した。ある人は、「狂信的で血に飢えたチレンブエの記憶を崇拝することは、暴力を意図するとの告白に他ならない」と書いた。

＞D. D. Phiri, a Malawian historian, characterised Chilembwe's uprising as an early expression of Malawian nationalism, as did George Shepperson and Thomas Price in their 1958 book Independent African, an exhaustive study of Chilembwe and his rebellion that was banned during the colonial era but still widely read by the educated classes. Chilembwe became viewed as an "unproblematic" hero by many of the country's people.
⇒マラウイの歴史家D. D.フィリは、ジョージ・シェパーソンとトーマス・プライスが1958年の著書『独立アフリカ』で述べたように、チレンブエの蜂起をマラウイのナショナリズムの初期的表現として特徴づけた。この本は、チレンブエと、植民地時代に禁止されたものの依然教養層に広く読まれていたチレンブエの反乱に関する徹底的研究書であった。チレンブエは、国の多くの人々から「問題のない」英雄と見なされるようになった。

＞The Malawi Congress Party (MCP), which ultimately led the country to independence in 1964, made a conscious effort to identify its leader Hastings Banda with Chilembwe through speeches and radio broadcasts. Bakili Muluzi, who succeeded Banda in 1994, similarly invoked Chilembwe's memory to win popular support, inaugurating a new annual national holiday, Chilembwe Day, on 16 January 1995. Chilembwe's portrait was soon added to the national currency, the kwacha, and reproduced on Malawian stamps.
⇒1964年に国を最終的に独立させた「マラウイ議会党」（MCP）は、スピーチやラジオ放送を通じて、ヘイスティングス・バンダとチレンブエをその指導者として特定するために意識的な努力を行った。1994年にバンダを引き継いだバキリ・ムルジは、同じように、民衆の支持を獲得し、チレンブエの記憶を喚起するため1995年1月16日に新しい国民の祝日として「チレンブエ記念日」を開始した。まもなくチレンブエの肖像が国の通貨であるクワチャ貨幣につけ加えられ（刻まれ）、マラウイの切手にもなった。

＞It has been argued that for Malawian politicians, Chilembwe has become "symbol, legitimising myth, instrument and propaganda". The revolt has been the subject of much research and has been interpreted in various ways by historians. At the time, the uprising was generally considered to mark a turning point in colonial rule. The Governor of Nyasaland, George Smith, declared that the revolt marked a "new phase in the existence of Nyasaland".
⇒マラウイの政治家にとってチレンブエは「象徴、正当な神話、（主張の）手段、宣伝」になったと主張されてきた。反乱が多くの研究の主題となり、歴史家によってさまざまな方法で解釈されてきた。当時、蜂起は一般に植民地支配の転換点を示すと考えられていた。ニヤサランド知事のジョージ・スミスは、反乱は「ニヤサランドの存在の新しい段階」を意味する、と宣言した。

＞According to the military historian Hew Strachan, the Chilembwe uprising tarnished British prestige in East Africa which contributed, after the appointment of the future Prime Minister Bonar Law as Secretary of State for the Colonies, to renewed pressure for an Anglo-Belgian offensive against German East Africa.
⇒軍事史家のヒュー・ストラチャンによると、チレンブエ蜂起によって東アフリカにおける英国の威信が汚されたが、そのことは、植民地の国務長官としてボナー・ロー後の首相が任命された後、ドイツ領東アフリカに対する英白（ベルギー）攻撃のために新たな圧力がかけられることに作用した。

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