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映るのでしょうか。攻撃に参加して戦死した人がよみがえって日本の現状を見たときどのような感想を述べるだろうかという質問も成り立ちますが、志願しながら生き残った人の本音はどのようなものなのでしょうか。皆さん９０歳代かと思いますが・・・。政治や経済の現状や、ばかしいテレビのコマーシャルを見ているとふと思うことがあります。

民主党政権の失敗は党に綱領（いわば党の憲法みたいなもの）がなかったために、優秀な議員も多かったのにバラバラに動いたため無茶苦茶になったのだと思います。 もう二度とあのような悪夢は見たくありません。 今に至るも立民党なんか、昔の社会党みたいに何でも反対、とても健全な野党とは思えません多分社会党と同じような運命をたどるのではないでしょうか 維新の党は　いい線行ってると思いますが、理想主義ポピュリズムが鼻につく。 あと　何党があるかしらないが、責任ある野党、対案を示す野党は見当たりません 結局自民党が割れるしか二大政党にはならないのでしょうか 今の日本の取りうる政策はひっくるめて自民党が採ってしまっています。 方向としては自民党しかないでしょう とすると議員は一旦自民党に入り、選挙制度を中選挙区に戻し、自民党内で、大きな政府か小さな政府か 再軍備をどうするか、安全保障 一極集中の是正、地方再生とか そこら編をしっかり綱領を決め　自民党が割れる形でしか　健全な野党　は出来ないのでしょうか 皆さんどう思いますか　このままではとてもじゃないが健全な野党は育ちそうにありません

In March 1935, Germany reintroduced conscription followed by an open rearmament programme, the official unveiling of the Luftwaffe (air force), and signed the Anglo-German Naval Agreement that allowed a surface fleet 35% of the size of the Royal Navy. The resulting rearmament programs was allotted 35 billion Reichsmarks over an eight year period. Territorial On 7 March 1936, German troops entered and remilitarized the Rhineland. On 12 March 1938, following German pressure to the collapse the Austrian Government, German troops crossed into Austria and the following day Hitler announced the Anschluss: the annexation of Austria by Germany. The following year, on 23 March 1939, Germany annexed Memel from Lithuania.According to David Stevenson, since the opening of French archives, most commentators have remarked on French restraint and reasonableness at the conference, though Stevenson notes that "[t]he jury is still out", and that "there have been signs that the pendulum of judgement is swinging back the other way." In his book The Economic Consequences of the Peace, John Maynard Keynes referred to the Treaty of Versailles as a "Carthaginian peace", a misguided attempt to destroy Germany on behalf of French revanchism, rather than to follow the fairer principles for a lasting peace set out in President Woodrow Wilson's Fourteen Points, which Germany had accepted at the armistice. He stated: "I believe that the campaign for securing out of Germany the general costs of the war was one of the most serious acts of political unwisdom for which our statesmen have ever been responsible." Keynes had been the principal representative of the British Treasury at the Paris Peace Conference, and used in his passionate book arguments that he and others (including some US officials) had used at Paris. He believed the sums being asked of Germany in reparations were many times more than it was possible for Germany to pay, and that these would produce drastic instability. French economist Étienne Mantoux disputed that analysis. During the 1940s, Mantoux wrote a posthumously published book titled The Carthaginian Peace, or the Economic Consequences of Mr. Keynes in an attempt to rebut Keynes' claims. More recently economists have argued that the restriction of Germany to a small army saved it so much money it could afford the reparations payments. It has been argued (for instance by historian Gerhard Weinberg in his book A World At Arms) that the treaty was in fact quite advantageous to Germany. The Bismarckian Reich was maintained as a political unit instead of being broken up, and Germany largely escaped post-war military occupation (in contrast to the situation following World War II). In a 1995 essay, Weinberg noted that with the disappearance of Austria-Hungary and with Russia withdrawn from Europe, that Germany was now the dominant power in Eastern Europe.

黄色人種の国である日本が先進国であることが、 ドイツはよほど面白くないのでしょうか？ ドイツの友好国である中国による残虐な大量死刑執行は批判しません。 過去の誤ちを全てナチスのせいにして、 自分達は関係ないという顔をするドイツ人は、 卑怯者とは違うのでしょうか？ ※ドイツ国内でこの発言をしたら逮捕されるでしょうか？

self-government for localities freedom of religious worship; no discrimination among the inhabitants with regard to citizenship and civil rights, on the grounds of religion, or of race control of the Holy PlacesHowever, despite these attempts to influence the conference, the Zionists were instead constrained by Article 7 of the resulting Palestine Mandate to merely having the right of obtaining Palestinian citizenship: "The Administration of Palestine shall be responsible for enacting a nationality law. There shall be included in this law provisions framed so as to facilitate the acquisition of Palestinian citizenship by Jews who take up their permanent residence in Palestine." Citing the Balfour Declaration, the Zionists suggested that the British had already recognized the historic title of the Jews to Palestine in 1917. The preamble of the British Mandate of 1922, in which the Balfour Declaration was incorporated, stated: "Whereas recognition has thereby been given to the historical connection of the Jewish people with Palestine and to the grounds for reconstituting their national home in that country ...". The remaking of the world map at these conferences gave birth to a number of critical conflict-prone international contradictions, which would become one of the causes of World War II. The British historian Eric Hobsbawm claimed: [N]o equally systematic attempt has been made before or since, in Europe or anywhere else, to redraw the political map on national lines. [...] The logical implication of trying to create a continent neatly divided into coherent territorial states each inhabited by separate ethnically and linguistically homogeneous population, was the mass expulsion or extermination of minorities. Such was and is the reductio ad absurdum of nationalism in its territorial version, although this was not fully demonstrated until the 1940s.Historians on the left have argued that Wilson's Fourteen Points, in particular, the principle of national self-determination, were primarily anti-Left measures, designed to tame the revolutionary fever sweeping across Europe in the wake of the October Revolution and the end of the war by playing the nationalist card. British Historian Antony Lentin evaluates LLoyd George's role in Paris as a major success: Unrivaled as a negotiator, he had powerful combative instincts and indomitable determinism, and succeeded through charm, insight, resourcefulness, and simple pugnacity. Although sympathetic to France's desires to keep Germany under control, he did much to prevent the French from gaining power, attempted to extract Britain from the Anglo-French entente, inserted the war-guilt clause, and maintained a liberal and realist view of the postwar world. By doing so, he managed to consolidate power over the House [of Commons], secured his power base, expanded the empire, and sought a European balance of power.

The treaty was comprehensive and complex in the restrictions imposed upon the post-war German armed forces (the Reichswehr). The provisions were intended to make the Reichswehr incapable of offensive action and to encourage international disarmament. Germany was to demobilize sufficient soldiers by 31 March 1920 to leave an army of no more than 100,000 men in a maximum of seven infantry and three cavalry divisions. The treaty laid down the organisation of the divisions and support units, and the General Staff was to be dissolved. Military schools for officer training were limited to three, one school per arm, and conscription was abolished. Private soldiers and non-commissioned officers were to be retained for at least twelve years and officers for a minimum of 25 years, with former officers being forbidden to attend military exercises. To prevent Germany from building up a large cadre of trained men, the number of men allowed to leave early was limited.The number of civilian staff supporting the army was reduced and the police force was reduced to its pre-war size, with increases limited to population increases; paramilitary forces were forbidden. The Rhineland was to be demilitarized, all fortifications in the Rhineland and 50 kilometres (31 miles) east of the river were to be demolished and new construction was forbidden. Military structures and fortifications on the islands of Heligoland and Düne were to be destroyed. Germany was prohibited from the arms trade, limits were imposed on the type and quantity of weapons and prohibited from the manufacture or stockpile of chemical weapons, armoured cars, tanks and military aircraft. The German navy was allowed six pre-dreadnought battleships and was limited to a maximum of six light cruisers (not exceeding 6,000 long tons (6,100 t)), twelve destroyers (not exceeding 800 long tons (810 t)) and twelve torpedo boats (not exceeding 200 long tons (200 t)) and was forbidden submarines. The manpower of the navy was not to exceed 15,000 men, including manning for the fleet, coast defences, signal stations, administration, other land services, officers and men of all grades and corps. The number of officers and warrant officers was not allowed to exceed 1,500 men. Germany surrendered eight battleships, eight light cruisers, forty-two destroyers, and fifty torpedo boats for decommissioning. Thirty-two auxiliary ships were to be disarmed and converted to merchant use. Article 198 prohibited Germany from having an air force, including naval air forces, and required Germany to hand over all aerial related materials. In conjunction, Germany was forbidden to manufacture or import aircraft or related material for a period of six months following the signing of the treaty.

France The signing of the treaty was met with roars of approval, singing, and dancing from a crowd outside the Palace of Versailles. In Paris proper, people rejoiced at the official end of the war, the return of Alsace and Lorraine to France, and that Germany had agreed to pay reparations. While France ratified the treaty and was active in the League, the jubilant mood soon gave way to a political backlash for Clemenceau. The French Right saw the treaty as being too lenient and saw it as failing to achieve all of France's demands. Left-wing politicians attacked the treaty and Clemenceau for being too harsh (the latter turning into a ritual condemnation of the treaty, for politicians remarking on French foreign affairs, as late as August 1939). Marshal Ferdinand Foch stated "this (treaty) is not peace. It is an armistice for twenty years."; a criticism over the failure to annex the Rhineland and for compromising French security for the benefit of the United States and Britain. When Clemenceau stood for election as President of France in January 1920, he was defeated. Italy Reaction in Italy to the treaty was extremely negative. The country had suffered high casualties, yet failed to achieve most of its major war goals, notably gaining control of the Dalmatian coast and Fiume. President Wilson rejected Italy's claims on the basis of "national self-determination." For their part, Britain and France—who had been forced in the war's latter stages to divert their own troops to the Italian front to stave off collapse—were disinclined to support Italy's position at the peace conference. Differences in negotiating strategy between Premier Vittorio Orlando and Foreign Minister Sidney Sonnino further undermined Italy's position at the conference. A furious Vittorio Orlando suffered a nervous collapse and at one point walked out of the conference (though he later returned). He lost his position as prime minister just a week before the treaty was scheduled to be signed, effectively ending his active political career. Anger and dismay over the treaty's provisions helped pave the way for the establishment of Benito Mussolini's dictatorship three years later. Portugal Portugal entered the war on the Allied side in 1916 primarily to ensure the security of its African colonies, which were threatened with seizure by both Britain and Germany. To this extent, she succeeded in her war aims. The treaty recognized Portuguese sovereignty over these areas and awarded her small portions of Germany's bordering overseas colonies. Otherwise, Portugal gained little at the peace conference. Her promised share of German reparations never materialized, and a seat she coveted on the executive council of the new League of Nations went instead to Spain—which had remained neutral in the war. In the end, Portugal ratified the treaty, but got little out of the war, which cost more than 8,000 Portuguese troops and as many as 100,000 of her African colonial subjects their lives.

JAXA（宇宙航空研究開発機構）を始めとして、日本の宇宙航空開発が、アメリカやロシア（旧ソ連）に比べて遅れているように見えますが、これは日本という国が、アメリカや旧ソ連に比べて宇宙航空開発に予算を少ししかかけていなかったせいでしょうか。 もし、日本の政府が、アメリカや旧ソ連と同じくらい宇宙航空開発に資金を費やしてきていたら、日本のロケット技術その他の宇宙航空技術はアメリカやロシアに匹敵する進歩を見せていたでしょうか。 そして、糸川英夫博士あたりが、フォン・ブラウンやセルゲイ・コロリョフに並ぶ、宇宙航空史上に残る大科学者として名を残していたでしょうか。 宇宙航空開発は結局お金が全てでしょうか。

（１）、５０年以上に渡り行い続けて来た麻薬ビジネスが、人様の健康と国民の共有財産たる社会保障をブチ壊しにして来たというのに、どうして医師を名乗る白衣を着た人物が、保険医療機関の看板を掲げながら、敷地内で病人相手にヘロインやコカインに匹敵する依存性有毒物の売り込み（麻薬ビジネス）を行っているのでしょうか・・？ （２）、健康保険料や国民健康保険税納付者に要らぬ負担を強いると分かっていながら、医療者が麻薬ビジネスを行う事を「やめる義務など無いんじゃ、ボケェ！」だの「利害関係者への説明責任など無いんじゃ。末端職員は勿論、理事長さえ対外的な責任は負わんのじゃ、アホが！」 と宣う医療法人を貴方は健康保険料や国民健康保険税納付者として信頼し感謝出来ますか？ 感謝と賛辞又は非難と抗議は下記医療法人まで↓ http://www1.tst.ne.jp/ohkahp/

母国の正式小銃以外の他国の小銃も特殊部隊は熟練しているようですが、敵のやったことに見せかけて村民60人を虐殺しろと言われたら特殊部隊は実行するんですか？ 私は北朝鮮の特殊部隊が民間人を拉致したこととアメリカの特殊部隊がビンラディンを暗殺したことしか知らないんですけど歴史上、国際紛争上、特殊部隊が民間人殺害を意図して実行した事例はありますか？

電車内の日能研の問題で、「日本と同盟を結んだ国は」というような問題がありました。 実際には、その問いに答えられた世代別の正答率の結果を参考になんか述べよ云々という問題です。 2017年01月明治大学付属明治中学校【社会】 ｜ 日能研 http://www.nichinoken.co.jp/shikakumaru/201701_sh/ この問題自体は重要では無いので忘れていただいてもかまいません。この問題自体は中学入試つまり小学生向けの問題のネタなので、「ドイツとイタリア」が一応の正解だと思いますが、建国以来全期間を通してその二国だけと言えるのかと電車内で私は少し悩みました。 今の日米同盟は？日ソ不可侵条約は？このどちらも同盟とは言えないのかとか、 白村江の戦いは百済との同盟をもとに参戦したんじゃなかったっけとか、 第一次世界大戦のとき？は日英同盟とかなかったっけ？とか 満州とは同盟とかなかったっけとか…。 日本と同盟を結んだことのある国を教えてください。 ドイツとイタリア以外にもありますか？ よろしくお願いします。

ベトナムは何故、親日の人が多いとされているのでしょうか？？

EUではドイツだけが経済が好調で、いつのまにかEUのリーダーのようになっています。どのような政策でドイツは成功したのでしょうか？

かつて女性に選挙権が無かった理由は何なのでしょうか？ また何故終戦と同時に選挙権を得る事ができたのですか？

ガンカメラの映像。 米軍のものですが、日本軍機がなすすべなくやられるものとか 残念なものが多いです。（武装の弱い爆撃機がやられていく、とか） 日本軍機に撃墜される米軍機が映っているものないでしょうか。 次善で、迎撃する日本軍戦闘機の映像とか。 （本土防空戦で撃墜された米軍機のガンカメラとかあれば いいんですがね…） 性質上、少ないのはわかっていますので、実例をお願いします。

原節子は、第２次世界大戦中に、軍国主義の映画に出ていたのは本当でしょうか。 もしそうなら、なぜ戦後に転落せずに人気があったのでしょうか。

建築美術に、特に西洋の建築に興味があるのですが、 西洋に関しては、特定の、有名な建造物だけではなく、 一般の住宅街の建物を見るだけでも、 私は楽しいのですが、 これは、 西洋だから美しい、、という西洋というバイアスや先入観によって一般的な住居に感動しているのか、 それとも、ちゃんと、その一般的な住居が美しく設計されている為に感動しているのか、 どちらなのでしょうか？

ただ民族結束の理由が欲しかっただけで、憎しみの対象としてでっちあげるドイツの敵は別にユダヤ人でなくても良かったんですか？

アメリカ空軍は26日、ICBM（大陸間弾道ミサイル）の 　発射実験を行いました。 北朝鮮だけが悪者ですか？

ウィキペディアの「交戦権」の説明では、 ------- 交戦権（こうせんけん、Belligerent Rights）という言葉は、国際法及び日本国憲法で使われている概念である。 交戦権という言葉には、厳密な定義は存在しない。前述のとおり日本国憲法をはじめとして用例はあり、「戦争を行う権利」あるいは「交戦国・交戦団体に対して認められる権利」という意味ではないかと推測されている。 ------- とあります。 ネット上の他のサイトでも似たような説明が多いようです。 それで、わかりやすく言うと、 「国家」には元来、「人殺し」をする権利があり、その結果何も罰せられない。 この「交戦権」を日本は「否定」ではなく、「放棄」する。 と言った、ややこしい屁理屈に見えてきます。 それで、もっと客観的に理解するために、 「交戦権」、「戦争権」、「侵略権」を、憲法などで、明確に規定している国があったら、 教えてください。 また、関連する情報、意見、何でもかまいません。 素人ですので、よろしくお願いします。