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アメリカが日本に働いた非道。東京大空襲や原爆、民間船の攻撃や子供に対する機銃掃射など子供や老人や女性などの非戦闘員をターゲットにした殺戮、黒船の脅迫による不平等条約の押し付けなど歴史上アメリカは日本に言語を絶する非道を働いてきました。 これらの罪はどれほどの罰に値しますか？ 私はアメリカ人全員一人残らず牛裂きで殺すのが相当と考えます。 みなさんはどういう罰がアメリカに相応しいと思いますか？

メルケル氏は所属政党の党首を辞任したらしいがこれからドイツ政治はどうなっていくのだろうか？ 政治カテゴリー皆さんの ご回答のほど、 お待ちしております。

日本固有の領土にも関わらず、 ・北方領土（ロシア連邦が不法占拠、実効支配） ・竹島（大韓民国が不法占拠、実効支配） について、日本はどのような戦略でそれぞれ相手国（露、韓）と駆け引きすれば良いのでしょうか？ 僕的には、まだ北方領土の方が可能性はあると思っています。ロシア（プーチンさん）は一応聞く耳は持っている感じは受けます。 竹島は厳しいっすよね。韓国は政府、国民共にいつもとどめを刺すくらい日本に凄い態度だから、、、。 なお、尖閣諸島は日本が まがいなりにも実効支配しているのでこの質問からは除外させていただきます。 いろんな知恵、お考えを皆さんお寄せください。

However the German soldiers were pressing to get home. It was scarcely possible to arouse their readiness for battle anew, and desertions were on the increase. The Imperial Government stayed on course and Ludendorff was replaced by Wilhelm Groener. On 5 November, the Allies agreed to take up negotiations for a truce, now also demanding reparation payments. The latest note from Wilson was received in Berlin on 6 November. That same day, the delegation led by Matthias Erzberger departed for France. A much bigger obstacle, which contributed to the five-week delay in the signing of the Armistice and to the resulting social deterioration in Europe, was the fact that the French, British and Italian governments had no desire to accept the "Fourteen Points" and President Wilson's subsequent promises. For example, they assumed that the de-militarization suggested by Wilson would be limited to the Central Powers. There were also contradictions with their post-War plans that did not include a consistent implementation of the ideal of national self-determination. As Czernin points out: The Allied statesmen were faced with a problem: so far they had considered the "fourteen commandments" as a piece of clever and effective American propaganda, designed primarily to undermine the fighting spirit of the Central Powers, and to bolster the morale of the lesser Allies. Now, suddenly, the whole peace structure was supposed to be built up on that set of "vague principles", most of which seemed to them thoroughly unrealistic, and some of which, if they were to be seriously applied, were simply unacceptable. German Revolution Main article: German Revolution of 1918–19 The sailors' revolt which took place during the night of 29 to 30 October 1918 in the naval port of Wilhelmshaven spread across the whole country within days and led to the proclamation of a republic on 9 November 1918 and to the announcement of the abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II. However in various areas soldiers challenged the authority of their officers and on occasion established Soldiers' Councils. Thus for example the Brussels Soldiers' Council was set up by revolutionary soldiers on 9 November 1918. Also on 9 November, Max von Baden handed over the office of Chancellor to Friedrich Ebert, a Social Democrat. Ebert's SPD and Erzberger's Catholic Centre Party had enjoyed an uneasy relationship with the Imperial government since Bismarck's era in the 1870s and 1880s. They were well represented in the Imperial Reichstag, which had little power over the government, and had been calling for a negotiated peace since 1917. Their prominence in the peace negotiations would cause the new Weimar Republic to lack legitimacy in right-wing and militarist eyes. Negotiation process

アメリカやカナダ、オーストラリアって慰安婦問題とは関わりの深い国なのですか？過去に議会で日本政府に対する旧日本軍の元慰安婦への謝罪・賠償を求める決議が可決されたり慰安婦像が置かれたりしていますが、アメリカやカナダ、オーストラリアは韓国や中国みたいに旧日本軍の慰安婦問題とは関わりの深い国なのでしょうか？オランダやフィリピン、台湾は慰安婦とは関わりの深い国だとは聞いた事がありますが。

There was a general disappointment in Italy, which the nationalist and fascist parties used to build the idea that Italy was betrayed by the Allies and refused what was due (Mutilated victory). This led to the general rise of Italian fascism. Prior to Wilson's arrival in Europe in December 1918, no American president had ever visited Europe while in office. Wilson's Fourteen Points, of a year earlier, had helped win the hearts and minds of many as the war ended; these included Americans and Europeans generally, as well as Germany, its allies and the former subjects of the Ottoman Empire specifically. Wilson's diplomacy and his Fourteen Points had essentially established the conditions for the armistices that had brought an end to World War I. Wilson felt it was his duty and obligation to the people of the world to be a prominent figure at the peace negotiations. High hopes and expectations were placed on him to deliver what he had promised for the post-war era. In doing so, Wilson ultimately began to lead the foreign policy of the United States toward interventionism, a move strongly resisted in some domestic circles. Once Wilson arrived, however, he found "rivalries, and conflicting claims previously submerged". He worked mostly trying to sway the direction that the French (Georges Clemenceau) and British (Lloyd George) delegations were taking towards Germany and its allies in Europe, as well as the former Ottoman lands in the Middle East. Wilson's attempts to gain acceptance of his Fourteen Points ultimately failed, after France and Britain refused to adopt some specific points and its core principles. In Europe, several of his Fourteen Points conflicted with the other powers. The United States did not encourage or believe that the responsibility for the war that Article 231 placed on Germany was fair or warranted. It would not be until 1921 that the United States finally signed separate peace treaties with Germany, Austria, and Hungary.In the Middle East, negotiations were complicated by competing aims, claims, and the new mandate system. The United States hoped to establish a more liberal and diplomatic world, as stated in the Fourteen Points, where democracy, sovereignty, liberty and self-determination would be respected. France and Britain, on the other hand, already controlled empires, wielded power over their subjects around the world and still aspired to be dominant colonial powers.

　韓国議長の発言といい、徴用工問題といい、竹島問題、慰安婦問題といい言語道断な言動ばかりです。 そして、新日鉄住金、三菱重工の差し押さえをすると言っています。 徴用工、慰安婦問題では、被害者に慰謝して、慰謝料を払えと請求します。 世界的に見て、植民地に賠償した例はありません、東南アジアのインドネシア、マレーシア、フィリッピン、インドは、要求しませんでした。 米国は、黒人奴隷に、リンカーン大統領は解放しただけで、賠償はしませんでした。 韓国が、賠償を言い続けると、東南アジアのインドネシア、マレーシア、フィリッピン、インドも、要求し出すかもしれません。 米国の黒人も、賠償を言い出すかもしれません。 　質問は、こんな中、 　日本政府は、日韓基本条約を守らない韓国政府に、日韓基本条約解消、賠償金、復興援助金の返還を要求し、返済させることが出来るのか？ 日韓議員連盟は、これに反対するのでしょうか？ 　よろしくお願いします。

The German economy was so weak that only a small percentage of reparations was paid in hard currency. Nonetheless, even the payment of this small percentage of the original reparations (132 billion gold marks) still placed a significant burden on the German economy. Although the causes of the devastating post-war hyperinflation are complex and disputed, Germans blamed the near-collapse of their economy on the treaty, and some economists estimated that the reparations accounted for as much as one-third of the hyper-inflation. In March 1921, French and Belgian troops occupied Duisburg, which formed part of the demilitarized Rhineland, according to the Treaty of Versailles.[citation needed] In January 1923, French and Belgian forces occupied the rest of the Ruhr area as a reprisal after Germany failed to fulfill reparation payments demanded by the Versailles Treaty. The German government answered with "passive resistance", which meant that coal miners and railway workers refused to obey any instructions by the occupation forces. Production and transportation came to a standstill, but the financial consequences contributed to German hyperinflation and completely ruined public finances in Germany. Consequently, passive resistance was called off in late 1923. The end of passive resistance in the Ruhr allowed Germany to undertake a currency reform and to negotiate the Dawes Plan, which led to the withdrawal of French and Belgian troops from the Ruhr Area in 1925.In 1920, the head of the Reichswehr Hans von Seeckt clandestinely re-established the General Staff, by expanding the Truppenamt (Troop Office); purportedly a human resources section of the army. In March, 18,000 German troops entered the Rhineland under the guise of attempting to quell possible unrest by communists and in doing so violated the demilitarized zone. In response, French troops advanced further into Germany until the German troops withdrew. German officials conspired systematically to evade the clauses of the treaty, by failing to meet disarmament deadlines, refusing Allied officials access to military facilities, and maintaining and hiding weapon production. As the treaty did not ban German companies from producing war material outside of Germany, companies moved to the Netherlands, Switzerland, and Sweden. Bofors was bought by Krupp, and in 1921 German troops were sent to Sweden to test weapons. The establishment of diplomatic ties with the Soviet Union, via the Genoa Conference and Treaty of Rapallo, was also used to circumvent the Treaty of Versailles. Publicly, these diplomatic exchanges were largely in regards to trade and future economic cooperation. However, secret military clauses were included that allowed for Germany to develop weapons inside the Soviet Union. Furthermore, it allowed for Germany to establish three training areas for aviation, chemical and tank warfare.

The British military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that the Treaty of Versailles was "extremely lenient in comparison with the peace terms that Germany herself, when she was expecting to win the war, had had in mind to impose on the Allies". Furthermore, he claimed, it was "hardly a slap on the wrist" when contrasted with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that Germany had imposed on a defeated Russia in March 1918, which had taken away a third of Russia's population (albeit of non-Russian ethnicity), one-half of Russia's industrial undertakings and nine-tenths of Russia's coal mines, coupled with an indemnity of six billion marks. Eventually, even under the "cruel" terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany′s economy had been restored to its pre-war status. Barnett also claims that, in strategic terms, Germany was in fact in a superior position following the Treaty than she had been in 1914. Germany′s eastern frontiers faced Russia and Austria, who had both in the past balanced German power. Barnett asserts that its post-war eastern borders were safer, because the former Austrian Empire fractured after the war into smaller, weaker states, Russia was wracked by revolution and civil war, and the newly restored Poland was no match for even a defeated Germany. In the West, Germany was balanced only by France and Belgium, both of which were smaller in population and less economically vibrant than Germany. Barnett concludes by saying that instead of weakening Germany, the treaty "much enhanced" German power. Britain and France should have (according to Barnett) "divided and permanently weakened" Germany by undoing Bismarck's work and partitioning Germany into smaller, weaker states so it could never have disrupted the peace of Europe again. By failing to do this and therefore not solving the problem of German power and restoring the equilibrium of Europe, Britain "had failed in her main purpose in taking part in the Great War".The British historian of modern Germany, Richard J. Evans, wrote that during the war the German right was committed to an annexationist program which aimed at Germany annexing most of Europe and Africa. Consequently, any peace treaty that did not leave Germany as the conqueror would be unacceptable to them. Short of allowing Germany to keep all the conquests of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Evans argued that there was nothing that could have been done to persuade the German right to accept Versailles. Evans further noted that the parties of the Weimar Coalition, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the social liberal German Democratic Party (DDP) and the Christian democratic Centre Party, were all equally opposed to Versailles, and it is false to claim as some historians have that opposition to Versailles also equalled opposition to the Weimar Republic.

The final borders of Hungary were defined by the Treaty of Trianon signed on 4 June 1920. Beside exclusion of the previously mentioned territories, they did not include: the rest of Transylvania, which together with some additional parts of the pre-war Kingdom of Hungary became part of Romania; Carpathian Ruthenia, which became part of Czechoslovakia, pursuant to the Treaty of Saint-Germain in 1919; most of Burgenland, which became part of Austria, also pursuant to the Treaty of Saint-Germain (the district of Sopron opted to remain within Hungary after a plebiscite held in December 1921, the only place where a plebiscite was held and factored in the decision); Međimurje and the 2/3 of the Slovene March or Vendvidék (now Prekmurje), which became part of the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenes. By the Treaty of Trianon, the cities of Pécs, Mohács, Baja and Szigetvár, which were under Serb-Croat-Slovene administration after November 1918, were assigned to Hungary. An arbitration committee in 1920 assigned small northern parts of the former Árva and Szepes counties of the Kingdom of Hungary with Polish majority population to Poland. After 1918, Hungary did not have access to the sea, which pre-war Hungary formerly had directly through the Rijeka coastline and indirectly through Croatia-Slavonia. With the help of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, Hungary expanded its borders towards neighbouring countries at the outset of World War II. This started under the Munich Agreement (1938), then the two Vienna Awards (1938 and 1940), and was continued with the dissolution of Czechoslovakia (occupation of northern Carpathian Ruthenia and eastern Slovakia) and the Axis invasion of Yugoslavia. This territorial expansion was short-lived, since the post-war Hungarian boundaries in the Paris Peace Treaties, 1947 were nearly identical to those of 1920 (with three villages – Jarovce, Rusovce, and Čunovo – transferred to Czechoslovakia). Representatives of small nations living in the former Austria-Hungary and active in the Congress of Oppressed Nations regarded the treaty of Trianon for being an act of historical righteousness because a better future for their nations was "to be founded and durably assured on the firm basis of world democracy, real and sovereign government by the people, and a universal alliance of the nations vested with the authority of arbitration" while at the same time making a call for putting an end to "the existing unbearable domination of one nation over the other" and making it possible "for nations to organize their relations to each other on the basis of equal rights and free conventions". Furthermore, they believed the treaty would help toward a new era of dependence on international law, the fraternity of nations, equal rights, and human liberty as well as aid civilisation in the effort to free humanity from international violence.

いつまでも紛争の絶えないイスラエルとパレスチナですが、パレスチナの人にとってみればイスラエルという国は降ってわいたようなものですよね。 でもそのあたりの事はちょっと脇に置いて、今日は別の疑問を持ちました。 そもそも、ユダヤ人はなぜ元の居住地（エルサレムなど）を離れて世界中に散らばっていたのですか？ ずっとそこでユダヤ人の国を作って住んでいれば今日の紛争は起きなかったんじゃないかと。 ロヒンギャみたいに追い出されたんでしょうか？

超高価な武器を大量に押し売りされたあとに 貿易規制されるという悲しい日米関係をみていると 今のアメリカのような自国第一主義の国と親しく付き合っていても利用されて損するばかりでいいことは無いように思います。 こんなアメリカとは距離を置き、いま世界中からいじめられているロシアに接近すればいいんじゃないかと思えてくるのですが みなさんは悲しい日米関係についてどう思いますか？

　太平洋戦争に関する小さな文庫本を１冊読んだだけなので、誤解もあるかも知れませんが、当時の体制に、「これが本当に戦争をやっている国の体制だろうか？？？」という疑問が湧いてきました。 　というのは、当時の日本の戦争遂行体制として、おおまかに、「軍令」としての大本営(統帥部:参謀本部と軍令部)と「軍政」としての陸軍省・海軍省が取り仕切っていたと理解しているのですが、総合的にとりまとめる組織・機関なり役職というものがはっきりしません。要するに国を挙げて国難に立ち向かおうという体制になっていなかったのではないかという印象です。それぞれがバラバラという以上に、むしろ対立していたのではないかという印象さえ受けました。国民にだけは、とてつもない大きな犠牲と挙国一致、一丸となってと押しつけておきながら。てめぇらなにやってたんだ、という印象です。言葉が汚くて<(_ _)> 　私は、今のところ、統帥部とか、統帥権自体は否定しませんが、……まだ良く分かっていません。……統帥部の中の参謀本部と軍令部は対立していたという以上に連携がなかったような印象ですし、統括すべき天皇は、実質機能していなかったように思われます、そもそも天皇にそんな責任を負わせるべきものではなく、何らかの統括組織なり、役職が必要だったという気がしています。私のような軍事の素人には考えられないことですが、軍令と軍政を統轄する組織がない。何のための陸軍大臣、海軍大臣なのかも分からないし、総理大臣に至っては、戦争を遂行する組織の中でどんな位置にあるのかも分からないような存在だったという印象です。 　 物量の差だとか、情報力の差だとか、敗因はいろいろあると思いますが、この組織を見て、「これじゃ、戦争には勝てないわなぁ」という気持ちを持ちました。(T_T)誤解があったら指摘して下さい。 　質問は、そもそも「戦争を行うための組織体制」というのはこんなものなのでしょうか？？？ということです。例えば当時の米国の体制だとかと比較しても、やはり、私の印象のとおり、異常だったのでしょうか？？？ということです。そして、異常だとすれば、何か歴史的な経緯があるのでしょうか？？？ということです。 　また、ついでながら、現在の日本の組織(内閣や防衛省や自衛隊)は、防衛のための戦争を、一体となって行える体制になっているのでしょうか？？？なんか知りませんが、大臣も知らなかったという「日報」なども問題になっているようですが。ご意見を賜りたいという趣旨です。

皆様はどんなイメージを持ちますか？ 1 回答者の国籍 2 昭和天皇のイメージ 3 2の理由 4 終戦とともに退位すべきだったかどうか。 5 呼び方 また、もし占領軍により敗戦後に昭和天皇が処刑されるなどの決定があり、皇室が廃止された場合、その後の我が国はどうなったでしょうか？ 以上、よろしくお願いいたします。

EUでは難民、移民受け入れ問題で揺れています。 ドイツでは 政権内対立回避で大変なようでです。 確かに、気前よく無制限に受け入れていては大変な事に なりますね。　自国民からの反発が出てくるのも当然です。 結局の所、移民、難民の受け入れは社会保障の問題になります。 自国民も予算の関係で社会保障費も削られる中で移民、難民に 回されたらたまりません。　EUのある国の人とメール交換してるけど、 彼らが増えた事に違和感を感じたり治安の悪化を感じている人が 増えているみたいです。 日本は結構、無縁な感じですけど難民政策のあり方って、どう思いますか？

The opposing forces were wholly German. During this period of the war, German divisions procured only 50 percent or less of their initial strength. The 117th Division, which opposed the U.S. 79th Division during the offensive's first phase, had only 3,300 men in its ranks. Morale varied among German units. For example, divisions that served on the Eastern front would have high morale, while conversely divisions that had been on the Western front had poor morale. Resistance grew to approximately 200,000–450,000 German troops from the Fifth Army of Group Gallwitz commanded by General Georg von der Marwitz. The Americans estimated that they opposed parts of 44 German divisions overall, though many fewer at any one time. Objective The Allied objective was the capture of the railway hub at Sedan that would break the railway network supporting the German Army in France and Flanders. First Phase (September 26 – October 3, 1918) "During the three hours preceding H hour, the Allies expended more ammunition than both sides managed to fire throughout the four years of the [American] Civil War. The cost was later calculated to have been $180 million, or $1 million per minute." The American attack began at 05:30 on September 26 with mixed results. The V and III Corps met most of their objectives, but the 79th Division failed to capture Montfaucon, the 28th "Keystone" Division was virtually ground to a halt by formidable German resistance, and the 91st "Wild West" Division was compelled to evacuate the village of Épinonville though it advanced 8 km (5.0 mi). The inexperienced 37th "Buckeye" Division failed to capture Montfaucon d'Argonne. The subsequent day, September 27 most of 1st Army failed to make any gains. The 79th Division finally captured Montfaucon and the 35th "Santa Fe" Division captured the village of Baulny, Hill 218, and Charpentry, placing the division forward of adjacent units. On September 29, six extra German divisions were deployed to oppose the American attack, with the 5th Guards and 52nd Division counterattacking the 35th Division, which had run out of food and ammunition during the attack. The Germans initially made significant gains, but were barely repulsed by the 35th Division's 110th Engineers, 128th Machine Gun Battalion, and Harry Truman's Battery D, 129th Field Artillery. In the words of Pershing, "We were no longer engaged in a maneuver for the pinching out of a salient, but were necessarily committed, generally speaking, to a direct frontal attack against strong, hostile positions fully manned by a determined enemy."

世界で死刑制度がある国は11カ国しかないそうです。 日本は先進国なのに死刑制度があるのはなぜですか？ 欧州ヨーロッパで死刑制度がある国はゼロカ国です。 日本人が大嫌いな発展途上国の土民が住む韓国も死刑制度はありません。

私は日本人が大好きです。 日本にはおいしいものがいっぱいあり、景色もいいです。 観光地もあるし、治安もいいです。 でも悪いところもあります。 なぜ、日本は過去の戦争を反省したり謝ったりできないのでしょうか？ もう十分謝ったとか過去の事をいつまでいう？という人もいますが、それは やったほうが言ったらいけないと思います。 ドイツはすごい反省してるのが伝わるし反ナチス法もある。 アウシュビッツも見れる。 日本にはそういうのはない。 私は今の日本人が悪いのではないと思う。 でも、それでも、アジアの各国が今も日本の侵略におびえているのだからそういうことはもう絶対にしないと反省を示すほうがいい。 日本のコンビニに行ったら海軍カレーパンというのが売ってた。 ありえないことです。 海軍とは昔日本にあった犯罪集団です。たくさん殺した。 それなのになぜそんなものを売るのか。 ドイツがアウシュビッツシチューとか売りますか？ だから反省してないと言われる。これは損しています。 日本は死んだら許すとか神になるって言った人もいた。 じゃあオウムは許されて神になったのですか？ 浅原は神ですか？ じゃああなたたちは浅原を神とあがめたらいい。 それでサリンカレーとかを作って売ったらいい。 それで反省してると言えるのですか？ ヒトラーや第3帝国は世界のだれが見ても悪です。 ドイツは繰り返さないと言ってる。 日本は？ なぜ日本は謝罪できないのですか？

こんにちわ。 タイトルのとおり、安価な差圧計を探しています。 国内製だと長野計器があるのですが、品質は良くても少々高いのです。 とくに超円高の今であれば海外から購入すれば費用を抑えられるとも 考えています。 海外製ではWIKAというメーカーがありましたが安い安いメーカーが あれば教えていただきたく存じます。

親日家がたくさんいるという『ポーランド』ですが、どうしてポーランドは地味なのでしょうか? 東欧諸国の中でも、ポーランドは比較的早い段階で国家が樹立されたように思いますが、その割には地味な国のように思います。隣に、ドイツ、ロシアの個性が強すぎる国があるからなのでしょうか。