The Zimmermann Telegram: A Controversial Message
- The Zimmermann Telegram, initially believed to be a forgery, turned out to be genuine. This caused a dilemma for the Wilson administration, as revealing the evidence would compromise British intelligence.
- The belief that the telegram was a forgery was promoted by German and Mexican diplomats, as well as some American newspapers.
- Arthur Zimmermann himself confirmed the authenticity of the telegram, removing any doubts about its genuineness.
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Since the public had been told (untruthfully) that the telegram had been stolen in a deciphered form in Mexico, the message was widely believed at first to be an elaborate forgery perpetrated by British intelligence. This belief, which was not restricted to pacifist and pro-German lobbies, was promoted by German and Mexican diplomats and by some American newspapers, especially the Hearst press empire. This presented the Wilson administration with a dilemma?with the evidence the United States had been provided confidentially by the British, Wilson realized the message was genuine?but he could not make the evidence public without compromising the British codebreaking operation. However, any doubts as to the authenticity of the telegram were removed by Arthur Zimmermann himself. First at a press conference on 3 March 1917, he told an American journalist, "I cannot deny it.
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＞Since the public had been told (untruthfully) that the telegram had been stolen in a deciphered form in Mexico, the message was widely believed at first to be an elaborate forgery perpetrated by British intelligence. This belief, which was not restricted to pacifist and pro-German lobbies, was promoted by German and Mexican diplomats and by some American newspapers, especially the Hearst press empire. ⇒その電報は、メキシコで解読された形で盗まれたと（事実に反して）市民に語られたので、最初メッセージは英国諜報部によって行われた精巧な「偽造」であると広く思われていた。この信念は、平和主義的な親ドイツ派団体に制限されることもなく、ドイツとメキシコの外交官によって、また、若干の米国新聞、特に「ハースト・プレス・エンパイア」によって促進された。 ＞This presented the Wilson administration with a dilemma? (→－) with the evidence the United States had been provided confidentially by the British, Wilson realized the message was genuine? (→－) but he could not make the evidence public without compromising the British codebreaking operation. However, any doubts as to the authenticity of the telegram were removed by Arthur Zimmermann himself. First at a press conference on 3 March 1917, he told an American journalist, "I cannot deny it. ⇒これによってウィルソン政権はジレンマに陥った。― 英国からアメリカ合衆国に対して内密に提供されていた証拠によってウィルソンはメッセージを本物であると認識したけれども ― しかし、英国の（極秘の）「暗号（盗聴および）解読活動」を暴露してしまうことなくその拠証を公表することができなかったのである。しかし、（電文発信者の）アルトゥール・ツィンメルマン自身によって、電報の確実性に関する疑いがすべて晴らされた。まず1917年3月3日の記者会見で、彼はアメリカのジャーナリストにこう語ったのである。「私は、それ（電報の存在・盗聴・解読）を否定することができません。それは真実です」と。
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The British had by 1916 put up an effective blockade of Germany. Germany’s northern coastline was very small and any blockade was easy to enforce. Up to 1916, the German High Seas Fleet had been commanded by Admiral von Poul. He was considered to be too passive in his approach to what the German Navy could do. In 1916, von Poul was replaced by the far more aggressive Admiral Reinhardt von Scheer. He decided that the blockade had gone too far and was causing too much damage to Germany. Scheer wanted to lure out of their respective naval bases parts of the British fleet and using a combination of submarines and surface boats attack and destroy them. On the night of the 24th and 25th of April 1916, the German Navy attacked the coastal towns of Lowestoft and Yarmouth. The idea was that the British fleet would respond to this.
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In August 1916 the German armies on the Somme had been subjected to great strain; the IX Reserve Corps had been "shattered" in the defence of Pozières. Ten fresh divisions had been brought into the Somme front and an extra division had been put into the line opposite the British. Movement behind the German front was made difficult by constant Anglo-French harassing-fire by artillery, which added to equipment shortages by delaying deliveries by rail and interrupting road maintenance. Destruction, capture, damage, wear and defective ammunition had caused 1,068 of 1,208 field guns and 371 of 820 heavy guns to be out of action by the end of August.
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On 23 February, Page met with British Foreign Minister Arthur Balfour and was given the ciphertext, the message in German, and the English translation. Then Page reported the story to President Wilson, including details to be verified from telegraph company files in the United States. Wilson released the text to the media on 28 February 1917.Popular sentiment in the United States at that time was anti-Mexican as well as anti-German, while in Mexico there was considerable anti-American sentiment. General John J. Pershing had long been chasing the revolutionary Pancho Villa and carried out several cross-border raids. News of the telegram further inflamed tensions between the United States and Mexico. On the other hand, there was also a notable anti-British sentiment in the United States, particularly among German- and Irish-Americans. Many Americans wished to avoid the conflict in Europe.
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New smoke shells were fired when the creeping barrage paused beyond each objective, which helped to obscure the British infantry from artillery observers and German machine-gunners far back in the German defensive zone who fired through the British artillery barrages. Around Langemarck, the British infantry formed up close the German positions, too near for the German artillery to fire on for fear of hitting their infantry, although British troops further back at the Steenbeek were severely bombarded. British platoons and sections were allotted objectives and engineers accompanied troops to bridge obstacles and attack strong points. In the 20th Division, each company was reduced to three platoons, two to advance using infiltration tactics and one to mop up areas where the forward platoons had by-passed resistance by attacking from the flanks and from behind. In the II and XIX Corps areas, the foremost infantry had been isolated by German artillery and then driven back by counter-attacks. On 17 August, Gough ordered that the capture of the remainder of their objectives of 16 August would be completed on 25 August. Apart from small areas on the left of the 56th Division (Major-General F. A. Dudgeon), the flanks of the 8th Division and right of the 16th Division, the British had been forced back to their start line by German machine-gun fire from the flanks and infantry counter-attacks supported by plentiful artillery. Attempts by the German infantry to advance further were stopped by British artillery-fire, which inflicted many losses. Dudgeon reported that there had been a lack of time to prepare the attack and study the ground, since the 167th Brigade had relieved part of the 25th Division after it had only been in the line for 24 hours; neither unit had sufficient time to make preparations for the attack. Dudgeon also reported that no tracks had been laid beyond Château Wood, that the wet ground had slowed the delivery of supplies to the front line and obstructed the advance beyond it. Pillboxes had caused more delays and subjected the attacking troops to frequent enfilade fire.
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The Zimmermann Telegram (or Zimmermann Note) was an internal diplomatic communication issued from the German Foreign Office in January 1917 that proposed a military alliance between Germany and Mexico in the event of the United States' entering World War I against Germany. The proposal was intercepted and decoded by British intelligence. Revelation of the contents enraged American public opinion, especially after the German Foreign Secretary Arthur Zimmermann publicly admitted the telegram was genuine on 3 March, and helped generate support for the United States declaration of war on Germany in April. The message came in the form of a coded telegram dispatched by the Foreign Secretary of the German Empire, Arthur Zimmermann, on 11 January 1917. The message was sent to the German ambassador to Mexico, Heinrich von Eckardt.
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Visibility increased except for frequent ground fog around dawn, which helped conceal British infantry during the attack, before clearing to expose German troop movements to British observation and attack. The British infantry succeeded in capturing most of their objectives and then holding them against German counter-attacks, inflicting many casualties on the local German defenders and Eingreif divisions sent to reinforce them by massed artillery and small-arms fire. German defences on the Gheluvelt Plateau, which had been retained or quickly recaptured in July and August were lost and the British began a run of success which lasted into early October. Strategic background The Kerensky Offensive by Russia in July had accelerated the disintegration of the Russian Army, increasing the prospect of substantial German reinforcements for the Western Front. The French attack at Verdun in August had inflicted a defeat on the German 5th Army similar in extent to the defeat of the 4th Army in the Battle of Messines in June but morale in the French army was still poor. In reports to the War Cabinet on 21 August and 2 September, Sir Douglas Haig repeated his view that the British campaign at Ypres was necessary to shield the other armies of the alliance, regardless of the slow geographical progress being made in the unusually wet weather of August. Tactical developments The German 4th Army had defeated British attempts to advance to the black and green (second and third) lines set for 31 July in the centre of the battlefield and on the Gheluvelt Plateau on the southern flank, during the frequent weather interruptions in August. These defensive successes had been costly and by mid-August, German satisfaction at their defensive achievements was accompanied by concern at the extent of casualties. The rain, constant bombardments and British air attacks had also put great strain on the German defence between British attacks.
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Laffert had expected that the two Eingreif divisions behind Messines Ridge, would reach the Höhen (second) line before the British. The divisions had reached assembly areas near Gheluvelt and Warneton by 7:00 a.m. and the 7th Division was ordered to move from Zandvoorde to Hollebeke, to attack across the Comines canal, towards Wijtschate into the British northern flank. The 1st Guard Reserve Division was to move to the Warneton line east of Messines, then advance around Messines to recapture the original front system. Both Eingreif divisions were plagued by delays, being new to the area and untrained for counter-attack operations. The 7th Division was shelled by British artillery all the way to the Comines canal, then part of the division was diverted to reinforce the remnants of the front divisions holding positions around Hollebeke. The rest of the division found that the British had already taken the Sehnen (Oosttaverne) line, by the time that they arrived at 4:00 p.m. The 1st Guard Reserve Division was also bombarded as it crossed the Warneton (third) line but reached the area east of Messines by 3:00 p.m., only to be devastated by the resumption of the British creeping barrage and forced back to the Sehnen (Oosttaverne) line, as the British began to advance to their next objective. Laffert contemplated a further withdrawal, then ordered the existing line to be held after the British advance stopped. Most of the losses inflicted on the British infantry by the German defence came from German artillery fire. In the days after the main attack, German shellfire on the new British lines was extremely accurate and well-timed, inflicting 90 percent of the casualties suffered by the 25th Division.
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The British Second Army had followed up some minor withdrawals and had fought the Action at Outtersteene Ridge on 18 August, after which there was a lull and Allied troops in the area were well rested by late September. Battle The Groupe d'Armées des Flandres (GAF, Flanders Army Group) attacked at 5:30 a.m. on 28 September, after a 3-hour artillery preparation, with 12 Belgian divisions, 10 British divisions of the Second Army and 6 French divisions of the Sixth Army. The British attacked on a 4.5 mi (7.2 km) front up to the Ypres–Zonnebeke road, from where the Belgian army attacked on a line north to Dixmude. The Allied attacks quickly penetrated the German defences and advanced up to 6 mi (9.7 km). The Germans were swiftly driven back. Much of the ground west of Passchendaele, which had been abandoned during the withdrawal of early 1918, was recaptured. Rain began to fall but by the evening the British had taken Kortewilde, Zandvoorde, Kruiseecke and Becelaere; Belgian troops had captured Zonnebeke, Poelcappelle, Schaap Baillie and Houthulst Forest. On the southern flank, minor operations by three British divisions advanced to St. Yves, Messines and the ridge from Wytschaete to Hollebeke. The German front line ran from Dixmude, to Houthult, Becelare, Zandvoorde and Hollebeke. Messines, Terhand and Dadizeele fell on 29 September and by the next day, despite the captured ground becoming another slough of mud, all of the high ground around Ypres had been occupied by the Allies. By 1 October, the left bank of the Lys had been captured up to Comines and the Belgians were beyond a line from Moorslede to Staden and Dixmude. The advance continued until 2 October, when German reinforcements arrived and the offensive outran its supplies. Due to the state of the ground, 15,000 rations were delivered by parachute from 80 Belgian and British aircraft. Aftermath Casualties The British suffered 4,695 casualties, the Belgians 4,500 "net" casualties from among 2,000 killed and 10,000 men ill or wounded. The Allies advanced up to 18 mi (29 km), with an average advance of 6 mi (9.7 km) and captured c. 10,000 prisoners, 300 guns and 600 machine-guns. Subsequent operations The offensive was continued with the Battle of Courtrai (14–19 October). The Battle of Cambrai, 1918 (also known as the Second Battle of Cambrai) was a battle between troops of the British First, Third and Fourth Armies and German Empire forces during the Hundred Days Offensive of the First World War. Cambrai カンブレー
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The British would gain observation of the southern slope of Menin Ridge at the west end of the Gheluvelt plateau, ready for a larger offensive in the Ypres Salient. The front line around Ypres had changed relatively little since the end of the Second Battle of Ypres (22 April – 25 May 1915). The British held the city, while the Germans held the high ground of the Messines–Wytschaete Ridge to the south, the lower ridges to the east and the flat ground to the north. The Ypres front was a salient bulging into the German lines but was overlooked by German artillery observers on the higher ground. The British had little ground observation of the German rear areas and valleys east of the ridges. The ridges ran north and east from Messines, 264 feet (80 m) above sea-level at its highest point, past "Clapham Junction" at the west end of the Gheluvelt plateau, 2.5 miles (4.0 km) from Ypres at 213 feet (65 m) and Gheluvelt which was above 164 feet (50 m) to Passchendaele, 5.5 miles (8.9 km) from Ypres at 164 feet (50 m) above sea-level, declining from there to a plain further north. Gradients varied from negligible, to 1:60 at Hooge and 1:33 at Zonnebeke. Underneath the soil was London clay, sand and silt. Since the First Battle of Ypres in 1914, much of the drainage in the area had been destroyed by artillery-fire, although some repairs had been achieved by army Land Drainage Companies brought from England. The area was considered by the British to be drier than Loos, Givenchy and Plugstreet Wood further south.
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A large number of German casualties were caused by the change in the wind direction and the decision to go ahead against protests by local officers, which were increased by British troops, who fired on German soldiers as they fled in the open. The gas used by the German troops at Hulluch was a mixture of chlorine and phosgene, which had first been used against British troops on 19 December 1915 at Wieltje, near Ypres. The German gas was of sufficient concentration to penetrate the British PH gas helmets and the 16th Division was unjustly blamed for poor gas discipline.
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