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メルケル首相の携帯電話への盗聴に関する記事です。訳して頂けませんか。よろしくお願いします。 Analysts said Thursday that although some of Europe’s outrage over NSA spying in recent months was more for domestic consumption than because of genuine surprise, the shock in Germany did stem from a sense that a line had been crossed.
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The British military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that the Treaty of Versailles was "extremely lenient in comparison with the peace terms that Germany herself, when she was expecting to win the war, had had in mind to impose on the Allies". Furthermore, he claimed, it was "hardly a slap on the wrist" when contrasted with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that Germany had imposed on a defeated Russia in March 1918, which had taken away a third of Russia's population (albeit of non-Russian ethnicity), one-half of Russia's industrial undertakings and nine-tenths of Russia's coal mines, coupled with an indemnity of six billion marks. Eventually, even under the "cruel" terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany′s economy had been restored to its pre-war status. Barnett also claims that, in strategic terms, Germany was in fact in a superior position following the Treaty than she had been in 1914. Germany′s eastern frontiers faced Russia and Austria, who had both in the past balanced German power. Barnett asserts that its post-war eastern borders were safer, because the former Austrian Empire fractured after the war into smaller, weaker states, Russia was wracked by revolution and civil war, and the newly restored Poland was no match for even a defeated Germany. In the West, Germany was balanced only by France and Belgium, both of which were smaller in population and less economically vibrant than Germany. Barnett concludes by saying that instead of weakening Germany, the treaty "much enhanced" German power. Britain and France should have (according to Barnett) "divided and permanently weakened" Germany by undoing Bismarck's work and partitioning Germany into smaller, weaker states so it could never have disrupted the peace of Europe again. By failing to do this and therefore not solving the problem of German power and restoring the equilibrium of Europe, Britain "had failed in her main purpose in taking part in the Great War".The British historian of modern Germany, Richard J. Evans, wrote that during the war the German right was committed to an annexationist program which aimed at Germany annexing most of Europe and Africa. Consequently, any peace treaty that did not leave Germany as the conqueror would be unacceptable to them. Short of allowing Germany to keep all the conquests of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Evans argued that there was nothing that could have been done to persuade the German right to accept Versailles. Evans further noted that the parties of the Weimar Coalition, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the social liberal German Democratic Party (DDP) and the Christian democratic Centre Party, were all equally opposed to Versailles, and it is false to claim as some historians have that opposition to Versailles also equalled opposition to the Weimar Republic.
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Consumption in Britain overtook that in France and was in turn overtaken by consumption in Germany.
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英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします！！ ９It is confirmed by an internal remark of the British Foreign Secretary, Selwyn Lloyd: Germany is the key of the peace of Europe. １０A divided Europe has meant a divided Germany. １１To unite Germany while Europe is divided, even if practicable, is fraught with danger for all. １７On the afternoon of 17 June he expressed on the radio his inner solidarity with the demonstrators. １８At the same time he called on them ‘not to be carried away into doing anything rash in response to provocations’. １９This hesitant stance was significant; it disappointed the East German population and robbed them of any hope of a reunification in the near future.
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これらの文がうまく訳せなくて困っています。助けてください。よろしくお願いします。 Schumacher saw German unity as a precondition for the unification of Europe, and in the long run be was correct: the unification of Germany in 1990 became the basis for the ‘enlargement’ of the European Union towards the East that took place later in 2004-7. As long as Germany remained split, Europe was divided. The Minister of the Interior, Gustav Heinemann, resigned on account of the policy of German rearmament that actually meant the militarization of the Federal Republic. Heinemann considered peace in Europe to be threatened by this and saw a deepening in the division of Germany.
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In continental Europe, in contrast, students do not pay fees, or at least not fees that come close to anything resembling the cost of the education they receive.
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On a separate sheet, assess the level of apathy in Canada and whether this could lead to war crimes or ethnic cleansing in the that it occurred in Hitler's Germany. Paragraph response is required make way sure that demonstrate your knowledge of the underlined terms. ヒトラーの何について書けばいいのでしょうか、教えてください
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Cartier asserts that, out of 1,058,000 Germans in Posen-West Prussia in 1921, 758,867 fled their homelands within five years due to Polish harassment. In 1926, the Polish Ministry of the Interior estimated the remaining number of Germans at fewer than 300,000. These sharpening ethnic conflicts would lead to public demands to reattach the annexed territory in 1938 and become a pretext for Hitler′s annexations of Czechoslovakia and parts of Poland. Territorial changes The plebiscites initiated due to the treaty have drawn much comment. Historian Robert Peckham wrote that the issue of Schleswig "was premised on a gross simplification of the region's history. ... Versailles ignored any possibility of there being a third way: the kind of compact represented by the Swiss Federation; a bilingual or even trilingual Schleswig-Holsteinian state" or other options such as "a Schleswigian state in a loose confederation with Denmark or Germany, or an autonomous region under the protection of the League of Nations." In regards to the East Prussia plebiscite, historian Richard Blanke wrote that "no other contested ethnic group has ever, under un-coerced conditions, issued so one-sided a statement of its national preference". Richard Debo wrote "both Berlin and Warsaw believed the Soviet invasion of Poland had influenced the East Prussian plebiscites. Poland appeared so close to collapse that even Polish voters had cast their ballots for Germany". In regards to the Silesian plebiscite, Blanke observed "given that the electorate was at least 60% Polish-speaking, this means that about one 'Pole' in three voted for Germany" and "most Polish observers and historians" have concluded that the outcome of plebiscite was due to "unfair German advantages of incumbency and socio-economic position". Blanke alleged "coercion of various kinds even in the face of an allied occupation regime" occurred, and that Germany granted votes to those "who had been born in Upper Silesia but no longer resided there". Blanke concluded that despite these protests "there is plenty of other evidence, including Reichstag election results both before and after 1921 and the large-scale emigration of Polish-speaking Upper Silesians to Germany after 1945, that their identification with Germany in 1921 was neither exceptional nor temporary" and "here was a large population of Germans and Poles—not coincidentally, of the same Catholic religion—that not only shared the same living space but also came in many cases to see themselves as members of the same national community". Prince Eustachy Sapieha, the Polish Minister of Foreign Affairs, alleged that Soviet Russia "appeared to be intentionally delaying negotiations" to end the Polish-Soviet War "with the object of influencing the Upper Silesian plebiscite".
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… And, it can't be a match the domoralised Australians will be looking forward to given captain Paul Okon, Muscat and striker Jhon Aloisi returned home immediately after last night's loss to attend family weddings and will mis the playoff, while defender Craig Moore will be suspended after being read-carded in the 85th minute. Certainly, it is going to take all of coach Frank Farina's nous and inspiration to cajole an Australian squad sick and tired of football and desperate to return to family and friends after long and exhausting seasons in Europe. Unfortunately, they should not be in the position they now find themselves, for this was without doubt the one that got away (*1). … The Australian (新聞), June 8, 2001, (Confederations Cup日豪戦の翌日) (*1)のところが解りません。 (1)the positionとは何を指すのかが、今ひとつ明快でなく解りません。 (2)this was (without doubt) the one that got away. とはなんのことでしょうか。そもそもget away のこの文脈での訳を確定させられず、困りました。 なるほど、というご意見を御願いします。
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Supporters of the WTO argue that it is democratic, in that its rules were written by its member states, many of whom are democracies, who also select its leadership. They also argue that, by expanding world trade, the WTO in fact helps to raise living standards around the world. http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/europe/country_profiles/2429503.stmより
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The Septemberprogramm (German: [zɛpˈtɛmbɐpʁoˌɡʁam]) was the plan for the territorial expansion of Imperial Germany, prepared for Chancellor Theobald von Bethmann-Hollweg, at the beginning of World War I (1914–18). The Chancellor's private secretary, Kurt Riezler, drafted the Septemberprogramm on 9 September 1914, in the early days of the German attack in the west, when Germany expected to defeat France quickly and decisively. The extensive territorial conquests proposed in the Septemberprogramm required making vassal states of Belgium and France and seizing much of the Russian Empire. The Septemberprogramm was not effected because France withstood the initial German attack, and the war devolved into a trench-warfare stalemate, and ultimately ended in German defeat. As geopolitics, the Septemberprogramm itself is a documentary insight to Imperial Germany's war aims, and shows the true scope of German plans for territorial expansion in two directions, east and west. Historian Fritz Fischer wrote that the Septemberprogramm was based on the Lebensraum philosophy, which made territorial expansion Imperial Germany's primary motive for war. Jonathan Steinberg has suggested that if the Schlieffen Plan had worked, and produced a decisive German victory, like the Franco-Prussian War of 1870, the Septemberprogramm would have been implemented, thus establishing German hegemony in Europe. The Septemberprogramm was a list of goals for Germany to achieve in the war. France should cede some northern territory, such as the iron-ore mines at Briey and a coastal strip running from Dunkirk to Boulogne-sur-Mer, to Belgium or Germany. France should pay a war indemnity of 10 billion German Marks, with further payments to cover veterans' funds and to pay off all of Germany's existing national debt. This would prevent French rearmament, make the French economy dependent on Germany, and end trade between France and the British Empire. France will partially disarm by demolishing its northern forts. Belgium should be annexed to Germany or, preferably, become a "vassal state", which should cede eastern parts and possibly Antwerp to Germany and give Germany military and naval bases. Luxembourg should become a member state of the German Empire. Buffer states would be created in territory carved out of the western Russian Empire, such as Poland, which would remain under German sovereignty. Germany would create a Mitteleuropa economic association, ostensibly egalitarian but actually dominated by Germany. Members would include the new buffer states. The German colonial empire would be expanded. The German possessions in Africa would be enlarged into a contiguous German colony across central Africa (Mittelafrika) at the expense of the French and Belgian colonies. Presumably to leave open future negotiations with Britain, no British colonies were to be taken, but Britain's "intolerable hegemony" in world affairs was to end. The Netherlands should be brought into a closer relationship to Germany while avoiding any appearance of coercion.
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