フランスとの協定によってアラブ独立が認められたが、ダマスカス、ホムス、ハマ、アレッポは除外された
- フランスがアラブ独立を認めたシャーキーズ・ピコ協定は、フランスとイギリス政府の間で署名されたもので、フランスとイギリスがA地域とB地域を含む独立したアラブ国家またはアラブ連邦を支持することを合意したものである。
- フランスは、ダマスカス、ホムス、ハマ、アレッポを除き、合意による青色ゾーンの直接支配からこれらの都市を除外した。
- フランスは「独立したアラブ国家またはアラブ連邦」を支持するとしたが、これはヘジャズ王国を意味せず、シリアへの信託統治が約束された場合でもアラブ国家または連邦との合意に従うとした。
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The Sykes-Picot agreement, where France recognised Arab independence, had been signed after the letter to King Hussein: "It is accordingly understood between the French and British Governments... that France and Great Britain are prepared to recognise and uphold an independent Arab State or Confederation of Arab States in the areas A. and B. marked on the annexed map under the suzerainty of an Arab Chief." Hence France, argued the British, by signing practically recognised the British agreement with King Hussein, thus excluding Damascus, Homs, Hama, and Aleppo from the blue zone of direct French administration in the map attached to the agreement showed that these cities were included in an independent Arab State. Pichon said France could not be bound by what was for them an unknown agreement and had undertaken to uphold "an independent Arab State or Confederation of Arab States", but this did not mean the Kingdom of Hejaz and if they were promised a mandate for Syria, it would only act in agreement with the Arab State or Confederation of States.
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以下のとおりお答えします。 アラブ国家の独立問題における、英仏間の対立（骨肉の争い？）を述べています。 ＞The Sykes-Picot agreement, where France recognised Arab independence, had been signed after the letter to King Hussein: "It is accordingly understood between the French and British Governments... that France and Great Britain are prepared to recognise and uphold an independent Arab State or Confederation of Arab States in the areas A. and B. marked on the annexed map under the suzerainty of an Arab Chief." ⇒フランスがアラブ独立を認めたサイクス-ピコ協定は、以下のようなフセイン王宛の手紙の後で署名された。すなわち、「フランスおよびイギリスとしては、アラブ首長の宗主権の下で、添付地図に記録された地域A.とB.に独立アラブ国家またはアラブ諸国連合を認めて、支援する用意ができています…という内容に応じて、フランス政府とイギリス政府の間でそれ（協定）が了解されています。」 ＞Hence France, argued the British, by signing practically recognised the British agreement with King Hussein, thus excluding Damascus, Homs, Hama, and Aleppo from the blue zone of direct French administration in the map attached to the agreement showed that these cities were included in an independent Arab State. ⇒それゆえ、フランスは（協定に）署名をしたことによって、フセイン王との英国の契約を実際上認めたことになり、かくして、協定書に添付された地図でフランスの直接管理の青色地帯からダマスカス、ホムス、ハマ、アレッポが除かれ、これらの都市は独立アラブ国家に含まれることを示している、と英国人は主張したのである。 ＞Pichon said France could not be bound by what was for them an unknown agreement and had undertaken to uphold "an independent Arab State or Confederation of Arab States", but this did not mean the Kingdom of Hejaz and if they were promised a mandate for Syria, it would only act in agreement with the Arab State or Confederation of States. ⇒ピションは、フランスにとって未知の合意協定であったものによって束縛されることはありえないと言い、「独立アラブ国家またはアラブ諸国連合」を支持するけれども、これはヘジャズ王国を意味するものではなかったし、もし彼ら（フランス人）がシリアのための委任を約束されているとしても、それはアラブ国家やアラブ諸国連合と一致して実行するだけであることを（フランスは）請合っていたのだ、と語った。
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The British notes taken during a meeting of the The Big Four held in Paris on March 20, 1919 and attended by Woodrow Wilson, Georges Clemenceau, Vittorio Emanuele Orlando as well as Lloyd George and Lord Balfour, and Lloyd George explained the British point of view concerning the agreement. The notes revealed that the blue area in which France was "allowed to establish such direct or indirect administration or control as they may desire and as they may think fit to arrange with the Arab State or Confederation of Arab States" did not include, according to the British, Damascus, Homs, Hama, or Aleppo. In area A (the blue area in the map) France was "prepared to recognise and uphold an independent Arab State or Confederation of Arab States'.
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Many sources contend that this agreement conflicted with the Hussein–McMahon Correspondence of 1915–1916 and that the publication of the agreement in November 1917 caused the resignation of Sir Henry McMahon. However, the Sykes–Picot plan itself described how France and Great Britain were prepared to recognize and protect an independent Arab state, or confederation of Arab states, under the suzerainty of an Arab chief within the zones marked A and B on the map. Nothing in the plan precluded rule through an Arab suzerainty in the remaining areas. The conflicts were a consequence of the private, post-war, Anglo-French Settlement of 1–4 December 1918. It was negotiated between British Prime Minister Lloyd George and French Prime Minister Georges Clemenceau and rendered many of the guarantees in the Hussein–McMahon agreement invalid. That settlement was not part of the Sykes–Picot Agreement. Sykes was not affiliated with the Cairo office that had been corresponding with Sherif Hussein bin Ali, but Picot and Sykes visited the Hejaz in 1917 to discuss the agreement with Hussein. That same year he and a representative of the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs delivered a public address to the Central Syrian Congress in Paris on the non-Turkish elements of the Ottoman Empire, including liberated Jerusalem. He stated that the accomplished fact of the independence of the Hejaz rendered it almost impossible that an effective and real autonomy should be refused to Syria.
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It was the beginning of the end of the Ottoman Empire and it was the beginning of a Hashemite kingdom whose capital was Mecca. Gradually it expanded northward. This battle left deep scars on the Middle East. Arab states came under strong European influence. The Ottoman caliphate ended and Palestine came under British rule, leading to the eventual existence of the state of Israel. The Sharif of Mecca was himself deposed by the rival Ibn Saud and his dream of an Arabian state stretching from Yemen to Syria remained unrealized.
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The Agreement is seen by many as a turning point in Western–Arab relations. It negated British promises made to Arabs through Colonel T. E. Lawrence for a national Arab homeland in the area of Greater Syria, in exchange for their siding with British forces against the Ottoman Empire. It has been argued that the geopolitical architecture founded by the Sykes–Picot Agreement disappeared in July 2014 and with it the relative protection that religious and ethnic minorities enjoyed in the Middle East. The Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant (ISIL) claims one of the goals of its insurgency is to reverse the effects of the Sykes–Picot Agreement.
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Much of the trauma and dislocation suffered by the peoples of the Middle East during the 20th century can be traced to the events surrounding World War I. During the conflict, the Ottoman Empire sided with the Central Powers against the Allies. Seeing an opportunity to liberate Arab lands from Turkish oppression, and trusting the honor of British officials who promised their support for a unified kingdom for the Arab lands, Sharif Hussein bin Ali, Emir of Mecca and King of the Arabs (and great grandfather of King Hussein), launched the Great Arab Revolt. After the conclusion of the war, however, the victors reneged on their promises to the Arabs, carving from the dismembered Ottoman lands a patchwork system of mandates and protectorates. While the colonial powers denied the Arabs their promised single unified Arab state, it is nevertheless testimony to the effectiveness of the Great Arab Revolt that the Hashemite family was able to secure Arab rule over Transjordan, Iraq and Arabia.
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"French intentions in Syria are surely incompatible with the war aims of the Allies as defined to the Russian Government. If the self-determination of nationalities is to be the principle, the interference of France in the selection of advisers by the Arab Government and the suggestion by France of the Emirs to be selected by the Arabs in Mosul, Aleppo, and Damascus would seem utterly incompatible with our ideas of liberating the Arab nation and of establishing a free and independent Arab State. The British Government, in authorising the letters despatched to King Hussein [Sharif of Mecca] before the outbreak of the revolt by Sir Henry McMahon, would seem to raise a doubt as to whether our pledges to King Hussein as head of the Arab nation are consistent with French intentions to make not only Syria but Upper Mesopotamia another Tunis. If our support of King Hussein and the other Arabian leaders of less distinguished origin and prestige means anything it means that we are prepared to recognise the full sovereign independence of the Arabs of Arabia and Syria. It would seem time to acquaint the French Government with our detailed pledges to King Hussein, and to make it clear to the latter whether he or someone else is to be the ruler of Damascus, which is the one possible capital for an Arab State, which could command the obedience of the other Arabian Emirs."
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Emirate of Jabal Shammar The Emirate of Jabal Shammar fought in the Middle Eastern theatre. Dervish State The Dervish State was a rebel Somali state seeking independence of Somali territories. Dervish forces fought against Italian and British forces in Italian Somaliland and British Somaliland during World War I in the Somaliland Campaign. The Dervish State received support from Germany and the Ottoman Empire. South African Republic In opposition to the Union of South Africa, which had joined the war, Boer rebels founded the South African Republic in 1914 and engaged in the Maritz Rebellion. Germany assisted the rebels, and the rebels operated in and out of the German colony of German South-West Africa. The rebels were defeated by British imperial forces. Sultanate of Darfur The Sultanate of Darfur forces fought against British forces in Anglo-Egyptian Sudan during World War I in the Anglo-Egyptian Darfur Expedition.
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France had decided to govern Syria directly, and took action to enforce the French Mandate of Syria before the terms had been accepted by the Council of the League of Nations. The French issued an ultimatum and intervened militarily at the Battle of Maysalun in June 1920. They deposed the indigenous Arab government, and removed King Faisal from Damascus in August 1920. Great Britain also appointed a High Commissioner and established their own mandatory regime in Palestine, without first obtaining approval from the Council of the League of Nations, or obtaining the formal cession of the territory from the former sovereign, Turkey. Attempts to explain the conduct of the Allies were made at the San Remo conference and in the Churchill White Paper of 1922. The White Paper stated the British position that Palestine was part of the excluded areas of "Syria lying to the west of the District of Damascus".
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It was the beginning of the end of the Ottoman Empire and it was the beginning of a Hashemite kingdom whose capital was Mecca. Gradually it expanded northward. This battle left deep scars on the Middle East. Arab states came under strong European influence. The Ottoman caliphate ended and Palestine came under British rule, leading to the eventual existence of the state of Israel. The Sharif of Mecca was himself deposed by the rival Ibn Saud and his dream of an Arabian state stretching from Yemen to Syria remained unrealized.
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Bulgaria signed an armistice with the Allies on 29 September 1918, following a successful Allied advance in Macedonia. The Ottoman Empire followed suit on 30 October 1918 in the face of British and Arab gains in Palestine and Syria. Austria and Hungary concluded ceasefires separately during the first week of November following the disintegration of the Habsburg Empire and the Italian offensive at Vittorio Veneto; Germany signed the armistice ending the war on the morning of 11 November 1918 after the Hundred Days Offensive, and a succession of advances by New Zealand, Australian, Canadian, Belgian, British, French and US forces in north-eastern France and Belgium. There was no unified treaty ending the war; the Central Powers were dealt with in separate treaties.
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