保護の必要性:アメリカ人の選挙参加権を守るために行動しましょう

このQ&Aのポイント
  • アメリカのすべての市民が参加したい選挙に参加する権利を守るために、私たちは拒否することはできませんし、するべきではありません。
  • さらに、私たちは八か月も待つことはできません。
  • 私たちはすでに100年以上待っており、待つ時間は終わったのです。
回答を見る
  • ベストアンサー

英文の和訳お願いします

We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in.And we ought not, and we cannot, and we must not wait another eight months before we get a bill. We have already waited 100 years and more and the time for waiting is gone. So I ask you to join me in working long hours and nights and weekends, if necessary, to pass this bill. And I don't make that request lightly, for, from the window where I sit, with the problems of our country, I recognize that from outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.

  • 英語
  • 回答数1
  • ありがとう数2

質問者が選んだベストアンサー

  • ベストアンサー
  • bakansky
  • ベストアンサー率48% (3502/7245)
回答No.1

> We cannot, we must not, refuse to protect the right of every American to vote in every election that he may desire to participate in. And we ought not and we cannot and we must not wait another 8 months before we get a bill. We have already waited a hundred years and more, and the time for waiting is gone.  選挙に参加しようとするアメリカ人の権利は、それが誰であれ守られなければならないし、守らなければならない。議案が通るまでの8ヶ月を座して待つことは出来ないし、そうすべきでもない。我々は既に100年以上待ってきた。もはや待ってはいられない。 > So I ask you to join me in working long hours—nights and weekends, if necessary—to pass this bill. And I don’t make that request lightly. For from the window where I sit with the problems of our country I recognize that outside this chamber is the outraged conscience of a nation, the grave concern of many nations, and the harsh judgment of history on our acts.  そこでお願いがある。この議案を通すために私に力を貸して欲しい。長時間の仕事が必要だ、必要なら夜も週末も使って。決して軽い気持ちで言っているのではない。この部屋の窓から外を眺める時、私は我が国の抱える問題のことを思う。この窓の外に存在するのは踏みにじられ国家の良心、多くの国々の関心、そして我々の行為に対する歴史の厳しい審判のことを思う。 * おおよそこのようなことを述べていると思います。訳文の細部の調整や修正はそちらでお願いします。 * 出典を記してないようですが、他人の文章を引用する場合には、その文章を書いた人の名前を記すべきでしょう。この文章はアメリカの第36代の大統領だった Lyndon Johnson の、公民権法についての支持を訴えた演説の一部のようですね。

purin666
質問者

お礼

ありがとうございます! そうですね。非常識でした。以後気を付けるようにしますm(__)m

関連するQ&A

  • 英文和訳、お願いします。

    ◆Swimming develops every part of the body. Proper breathing plays a big role in increasing lung capacity. Stroking and kicking develop the muscles in arms, legs and back. Timing and mental alertness are important, for the good swimmer must take advantage of every opportunity offered. ◆One of our most important duties is to give our guests the best possible service and to satisfy them. Because we serve them well, they come to our restaurants, and spend their money. Our guests keep us in business. In the last analysis, our guests really pay our wages. ◆Since we make daily use of the newspaper, and we base much of our opinion upon what it tells us, we should make efforts to understand it. Unless we know what newspapers are, and how they are made, we shall not know how to tell a good newspaper from a bad one, or whether we should believe any particular piece of information.

  • 英文の和訳をおねがいします。

    It is salutary to realize the fundamental isolation of the individual mind. We have no certain knowledge of any consciousness but our own. We can only know the world through our own personality. Because the behaviour of others is similar to our own, we suppose that they are like us; it is a shock to discover that they are not. As i grow older I am more and more amazed to discover how great are the differences between one man and another. I am not far from believing that everyone is unique.

  • この2つの文章を和訳して欲しいです!

    この2つの文章を和訳して欲しいです お願いいたします。 I have a dream that my four little children will one day live in a nation where they will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of their character. When we allow freedom to ring, when we let it ring from every village and every hamlet, from every state and every city, we will be able to speed up that day when all of God's children, black men and white men, Jew and Gentiles, Protestants and Catholics will be able to join hands and sing in the words of the old Negro spiritual,"Free at last!Free at last!Thank God Almighty, we are free at last!"

  • 英文和訳

    I speak tonight for the dignity of man and the destiny of democracy.  I urge every member of both parties, Americans of all religions and of all colors, from every section of this country, to join me in that cause.  At times history and fate meet at a single time in a single place to shape a turning point in man's unending search for freedom. So it was at Lexington and Concord. So it was a century ago at Appomattox. So it was last week in Selma, Alabama.  There, long-suffering men and women peacefully protested the denial of their rights as Americans. Many were brutally assaulted. One good man, a man of God, was killed.  There is no cause for pride in what has happened in Selma. There is no cause for self-satisfaction in the long denial of equal rights of millions of Americans. But there is cause for hope and for faith in our democracy in what is happening here tonight.  For the cries of pain and the hymns and protests of oppressed people have summoned into convocation all the majesty of this great Government--the Government of the greatest Nation on earth.  Our mission is at once the oldest and the most basic of this country: to right wrong, to do justice, to serve man.  In our time we have come to live with moments of great crisis. Our lives have been marked with debate about great issues; issues of war and peace, issues of prosperity and depression. But rarely in any time does an issue lay bare the secret heart of America itself. Rarely are we met with a challenge, not to our growth or abundance, our welfare or our security, but rather to the values and the purposes and the meaning of our beloved Nation どなたかお願いしますm(__)m

  • この英文の和訳をお願いします。

    In Fig.13, we compare our results with those of Nishiida (1983) and Wetherill and Cox (1985). Nishida studied the collision probability in the two-dimensional problem for the two cases: e=0 and 4. For the case of e=0, his result (renormalized so as to coincide with our present definition) agrees accurately with ours. But for e=4, his collisional rate is about 1.5 times as large as ours; it seems that the discrepancy comes from the fact that he did not try to compute a sufficient number of orbits for e=4, thus introducing a relatively large statistical error. The results of Wetherill and Cox are summarized in terms of v/v_e where v is the relative velocity at infinity and v_e the escape velocity from the protoplanet, while our results are in terms of e and i. Therefore we cannot compare our results exactly with theirs. If we adopt Eq. (2) as the relative velocity, we have (of course, i=0 in this case) (e^2+i^2)^(1/2)≒34(ρ/3gcm^-3)^(1/6)(a_0*/1AU)^(1/2)(v/v_e). (34) According to Eq. (34), their results are rediscribed in Fig.13. From this figure it follows that their results almost coincide with ours within a statistical uncertainty of their evaluation. 7. The collisional rate for the three-dimensional case Now, we take up a general case where i≠0. In this case, we selected 67 sets of (e,i), covering regions of 0.01≦i≦4 and 0≦e≦4 in the e-i diagram, and calculated a number of orbits with various b, τ,and ω for each set of (e,i). We evaluated R(e,i) for r_p=0.001 and 0.005 (for r_p=0.0002 we have not obtained a sufficient number of collision orbits), and found again its weak dependence on r_p (except for singular points, e.g., (e,i)=(0,3.0)) for such values of r_p. Hence almost all results of calculations will be presented for r_p=0.005 (i.e., at the Earth orbit) here. Fig.13. Comparison of the two-dimensional enhancement factor R(e,0) with those of Nishida (1983) and those of Wetherill and Cox (1985).Their results are renormalized so as to coincide with our definition of R(e,0). 長文ですが、よろしくお願いします。

  • 英文和訳

    And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For, with a country as with a person, "what is a man profited if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?" There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem.This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal." "Government by consent of the governed." "Give me liberty or give me death." And those are not just clever words, and those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty risking their lives. Those words are promised to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions. It cannot be found in his power or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom. He shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test, to deny a man his hopes because of his color or race or his religion or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny Americans and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom. どなたかお願いします。

  • 英文の和訳お願いします

    Monsanto’s unchecked power is corrosive to the health of our democracy, our wellbeing and our planet and it must be stopped. As free citizens, it is our right and our duty to protest their unlawful encroachment into the most basic and fundamental aspect of our lives, the food that we eat and the laws that govern our lives.

  • 英文和訳

    What could we do instead during the next 10 years? What should we do during the next 10 years? Some of our greatest accomplishments as a nation have resulted from commitments to reach a goal that fell well beyond the next election: the Marshall Plan, Social Security, the interstate highway system. But a political promise to do something 40 years from now is universally ignored because everyone knows that it's totally meaningless. Ten years is about the maximum time that we as a nation can hold a steady aim and hit our target. When President Jone F Kennedy challenged our nation to land a man on the moon and bring him back safely in 10 years, many people doubted we could accomplish that goal. But 8 years and 2 months later, Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin walked on the surface of the moon and planted the American flag. 2008年7月17日のアル・ゴアの演説の一部です。どなたか訳お願いしますm(__)m

  • 英文和訳 

    Many Americans have begun to wonder whether or not we've simply lost our appetite for bold policy solutions. And folks who claim to know how our system works these days have told us we might as well forget about our political system doing anything bold, especially if it is contrary to the wishes of special interests. And I've got to admit, that sure seems to be the way things have been going. But I've begun to hear different voices in this country from people who are not only tired of baby steps and special interest politics, but are hungry for a new, different and bold approach to genuinely solve our problems. アル・ゴアの演説の一部です。 どなたか和訳お願いしますm(__)m

  • 和訳お願い致します。

    Or, again adopting the convenient terminology of Clifford, we must always remember that we can never know the mental . states of any mental beings other than ourselves as objects ; we can only know them as ejects^ or as ideal projections of our own mental states. And it is from this broad fact of psycho logy that the difficulty arises in applying our criterion of mind to particular cases — especially among the lower animals. For if the evidence of mind, or of being capable of choice, must thus always be ejective as distinguished from objective, it is clear that the cogency of the evidence must diminish as we recede from minds inferred to be like our own, towards minds inferred to be not so like our own, passing in a gradual series into not-minds. Or, otherwise stated, although the evidence derived from ejects is practically regarded as good in the case of mental organizations inferred to be closely analogous to our own, this evidence clearly ceases to be trust worthy in the ratio in which the analogy fails ; so that when we come to the case of very low animals — where the analogy is least — we feel uncertain whether or not to ascribe to them any ejective existence. But I must again insist that this fact — which springs immediately but of the fundamental isolation of the individual mind — is no argument against my criterion of mind as the best criterion available; it [it=the fact] tends, indeed, to show that no better criterion can be found, for it shows the hopelessness of seeking such.