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Beatty had lost control of the battle and he judged that the opportunity of an overwhelming victory had been lost and the Admiralty—erroneously believing that Derfflinger had been badly damaged—later reached the same conclusion. Jutland later showed that the British battlecruisers were still vulnerable to ammunition fires and magazine explosions, if hit by plunging fire. Had Moore's three fast battlecruisers pursued Hipper's remaining three (leaving the slower Indomitable behind as Beatty intended), the British might have been at a disadvantage and been defeated. Blücher demonstrated the ability of the German ships to absorb great punishment; all of Hipper's remaining ships were larger, faster, newer, more heavily armed, and far better armoured than Blücher; only Seydlitz had suffered serious damage. Apart from the sinking of Blücher, the Germans out-hit the British by over three to one, with 22 heavy-calibre hits—16 on Lion and six on Tiger—against seven British hits. The battle, although inconclusive, boosted British morale. The Germans learned lessons and the British did not. Rear-Admiral Moore was quietly replaced and sent to the Canary Islands and Captain Henry Pelly of the Tiger was blamed for not taking over when Lion was damaged. Beatty's flag lieutenant Ralph Seymour—responsible for hoisting Beatty's two commands on one flag hoist, allowing them to be read as one—remained. The use of wireless allowed centralised control of ships from the Admiralty, which cramped the initiative of the men on the spot. Signals between ships continued to be by flag but there was no revision of the signal book or the assumptions of its authors. Signalling on board Lion was again poor in the first hours of Jutland, with serious consequences for the British. The battlecruisers failed to improve fire distribution and similar targeting errors were made at Jutland.In 1929, Julian Corbett, the naval official historian, recorded 792 men killed and 45 wounded out of the 1,026 crew on Blücher, 189 of the men being rescued by the British. Seydlitz lost 159 men killed and 33 wounded and Kolberg lost three men killed and two wounded. In 1965, Marder wrote that over 1,000 German sailors had been killed or captured, for British casualties of fewer than 50 men killed or wounded. In 2003, Massie wrote that German casualties were an estimated 951 men killed and 78 wounded, most in Blücher; 153 men were killed and 33 were wounded in the fire in the two after turrets of Seydlitz. The British rescued 189 unwounded prisoners and 45 wounded from Blücher. British casualties were 15 killed and 80 men wounded. On Lion, two men had been killed and eleven wounded, most by a shell hit in the A turret lobby. Ten men were killed on Tiger with nine men wounded and on Meteor, four men were killed and two were wounded.


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>Beatty had lost control of the battle and he judged that the opportunity of an overwhelming victory had been lost and the Admiralty—erroneously believing that Derfflinger* had been badly damaged—later reached the same conclusion. Jutland later showed that ~ disadvantage and been defeated. ⇒ビーティは、戦闘の支配権を失い、圧倒的な勝利の機会が失われたと判断したが、海軍本部も ―デルフリンガー号*がひどく損害を受けたと誤って信じて― 後に同じ結論に達した。ユトランド(デンマークの主要部をなす半島)は後に、英国の巡洋戦艦が突発的な砲火に見舞われると、弾薬や弾薬庫の爆発については依然として脆弱であることを示した。ムーアの3隻の高速巡洋戦艦が(ビーティが意図したように、より遅いインドミタブル号を残して)ヒッパーの残りの3隻を追いかけていたら、英国軍は不利な立場に転じて敗北していたかもしれなかった。 *Derfflinger:これまで、曖昧な認識で「デルフィンガー」とか「ダーフィンガー」などといいかげんに訳しましたが、ドイツ軍の船艦名ですので、「デルフリンガー号」とするのが最も妥当と気づきました。 >Blücher demonstrated the ability ~ against seven British hits. ⇒ブリュッヒャー号によって、ドイツ軍の船艦は大きな打撃を受け止める能力のあることが示された。ヒッパーの残りの船艦はすべてブリュッヒャー号よりもはるかに大きく、高速で、新しく、重装甲で、優れていた。セイドリッツ号だけが深刻な被害を受けた。ブリュッヒャー号の沈没は別として、ドイツ軍の砲弾命中(率)は―ライオン号に16発、タイガー号に6発―計22発の大口径弾の命中で、英国軍の7発に対し3対1の割合で英国軍のそれを上回っていた。 >The battle, although inconclusive ~ the assumptions of its authors. ⇒戦いは決定的ではなかったものの、英国軍の士気を高めた。ドイツ軍は教訓を学んだが、英国軍は教訓を学ぶことはなかった。ムーア海軍少将は静かに交代してカナリア諸島に送られたが、ライオン号の損傷時に引き継がなかったためにタイガー号のヘンリー・ペリー船長が非難された。ビーティの旗手ラルフ・シーモア中尉は ―ビーティの2つの指令を1つの旗揚げ機に上げて、それらを1つとして読まれてしまうようにした(張本人だが)―そのまま居残った。無線の使用により、海軍本部からの艦船の集中管理が可能となり、その場の兵士の主導性が拘束力を持った。艦船間の合図は旗によったが、信号帳や作者の想定を改変することはなかった。 >Signalling on board Lion ~ 50 men killed or wounded. ⇒ユトランドでは、最初の数時間のうちにライオン号上での信号送受信が再度悪化し、英国軍に深刻な結果をもたらした。巡洋戦艦は砲火海域分布の(点検)改善に失敗し、ユトランドでも同様の照準の過誤があった。1929年、海軍の公報史家ジュリアン・コルベットは、ブリュッヒャー号の1,026人の乗組員のうち792人が死亡し、45人が負傷し、189人が英国軍によって救助されたと報告した。セイドリッツ号では159人が死亡、33人が負傷し、コルベルク号では3人が死亡、2人が負傷した。1965年、マルダーは、英国軍で死亡または負傷した者が50人未満であったのに対し、ドイツ軍海兵は1,000人以上の死亡または捕虜になったと書いている。 >In 2003, Massie wrote ~ and two were wounded. ⇒2003年、マッシーは、ドイツ軍の死傷者について推定951人が殺され、78人が負傷したと書いた。セイドリッツ号の砲塔の後ろの2件の火災で、153人が死亡し、33人が負傷した。英国軍は、負傷していない189人の囚人と45人の負傷者を、おもにブリュッヒャー号から救出した。(その際の)英国軍の死傷者については、15人が死亡し、80人が負傷した。ライオン号では、主として砲弾の命中によってA砲塔のロビーで2人の兵士が殺され、11人が負傷した。タイガー号では10人が死亡し、9人が負傷し、メテオール号では4人が死亡し、2人が負傷した。





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    Jutland was a confused and bloody action involving 250 ships and around 100,000 men. Initial encounters between Beatty’s force and the High Seas Fleet resulted in the loss of several ships. The Germans damaged Beatty’s flagship, HMS Lion, and sank HMS Indefatigable and HMS Queen Mary, both of which blew up when German shells penetrated their ammunition magazines. Beatty withdrew until Jellicoe arrived with the main fleet. The Germans, now outgunned, turned for home. Although it failed to achieve the decisive victory each side hoped for, the battle confirmed British naval dominance and secured its control of shipping lanes, allowing Britain to implement the blockade that would contribute to German defeat in 1918. The British lost 14 ships and over 6,000 men, but were ready for action again the next day. The Germans, who had lost 11 ships and over 2,500 men, avoided complete destruction but never again seriously challenged British control of the North Sea.

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    In The World Crisis, Winston Churchill used figures from French parliamentary records of 1920, to give French casualties from 5 August to 5 September 1914 of 329,000 killed, wounded and missing, German casualties from August to November of 677,440 men and British casualties in August and September of 29,598 men. By the end of August, the French Army had suffered 75,000 dead, of whom 27,000 were killed on 22 August. French casualties for the first month of the war were 260,000, of which 140,000 occurred during the last four days of the Battle of the Frontiers. In 2009, Herwig recorded that the casualties in the 6th Army in August were 34,598, with 11,476 men killed and 28,957 in September with 6,687 men killed. The 7th Army had 32,054 casualties in August, with 10,328 men killed and 31,887 casualties in September with 10,384 men killed. In the 1st Army in August there were 19,980 casualties including 2,863 men killed and in the 2nd Army 26,222 casualties. In the last ten days of August, the 1st Army had 9,644 casualties and the 2nd Army had losses of 15,693 men. Herwig wrote that the French army did not publish formal casualty lists but that the Official History Les armées françaises dans la grande guerre gave losses of 206,515 men for August and 213,445 for September. During the battle, French casualties were c. 260,000 men, of whom c. 75,000 men were killed.

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    At 11:02, realising that so sharp a turn would open the range too much, Beatty ordered "Course NE" to limit the turn to 45° and then added "Engage the enemy's rear", to clarify his intent that the other ships, which had now left Lion far behind, should pursue the main German force. With Lion′s electric generators out of action, Beatty could only signal using flag hoists and both signals were flown at the same time. The combination of the signal "Course NE"—which happened to be the direction of Blücher—and the signal to engage the rear was misunderstood by Beatty's second-in-command, Rear-Admiral Gordon Moore on New Zealand, as an order for all the battlecruisers to finish off Blücher. The British battlecruisers broke off the pursuit of the German squadron and attacked Blücher, with most of the British light cruisers and destroyers joining in. Beatty tried to correct this obvious misunderstanding by using the order from Horatio Nelson at the Battle of Trafalgar "Engage the enemy more closely" but this order was not in the signal book and Beatty chose "Keep nearer to the enemy" as the closest equivalent. By the time this signal was hoisted, Moore's ships were too far away to read Beatty's flags and the correction was not received. Despite the overwhelming odds, Blücher put the British destroyer HMS Meteor out of action and scored two hits on the British battlecruisers with its 21 cm (8.3 in) guns. Blücher was hit by about 70 shells and wrecked. When struck by two torpedoes from the light cruiser Arethusa, Blücher capsized at 54 25' N. Lat., 5 25' E. Long and sank at 13:13, with the loss of 792 crew. British ships began to rescue survivors but were interrupted by the arrival of the Zeppelin L-5 (LZ-28) and by a German seaplane, which attacked with small bombs. No damage was done but the British ships put on speed and withdrew to avoid further aerial attack, leaving some of the survivors behind. By this time, the rest of the German ships were too far away for the British to catch up. Lion made 10 kn (19 km/h; 12 mph) at the beginning of the 300 nmi (560 km; 350 mi) return voyage, escorted by Indomitable. Beatty contemplated leaving a flotilla of destroyers to guard Lion and sending the rest to the German Bight, to make a night attack on the German ships but the damage to Lion caused more problems. As it crept home, the ship suffered further engine-trouble from salt water contamination in the boiler-feed-water system and its speed dropped to 8 kn (15 km/h; 9.2 mph). Lion was taken in tow by Indomitable, an operation which took two hours, in which the battlecruisers were exceedingly vulnerable to submarine attacks.

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    The Germans had assumed that their cruisers, leaving port one by one, would not meet larger ships or a superior force and failed to keep their ships together so they might have better odds in any engagement. Beatty—when faced with the choice of leaving one of his ships to finish off disabled enemies—had elected to keep his squadron together and only later return in force to finish off the ships. Goodenough managed to lose track of two cruisers, which played no further part in the battle. German light cruisers armed with larger numbers of faster firing 10.5 cm (4.1 in) guns, proved inferior to similar British cruisers with fewer but more powerful 6 in (150 mm) guns. The German ships proved difficult to sink despite severe damage and impressed the British with the quality of their firing. British and German sources reported the determination and bravery of the defeated German ships when overwhelmed. No one reported the presence of British cruisers to Admiral Hipper until 14:35. Had he known, he could have brought his battlecruisers to sea faster and consolidated his fleet, possibly preventing German losses and instead inflicting some on the departing British ships. The British operation took longer than anticipated so that the large German ships would have had sufficient high water to join the battle. The British side suffered from poor communication, with ships failing to report engagement with the enemy to each other. The initial failure to include Jellicoe in planning the raid could have led to disaster, had he not sent reinforcements and the communication failures meant British ships were unaware of the new arrivals and could have attacked them. There was no way to warn off British submarines which might have targeted their own ships. It had been the decision of Admiral Sturdee—Admiralty Chief of Staff—not to inform Jellicoe and also not to send additional larger ships which had originally been requested by Keyes. Jellicoe had countermanded this decision once he knew of the raid, by sending ships which were part of his command. Keyes was disappointed that the opportunity for a greater success had been lost by not including the additional cruisers properly into the plan as he had originally intended. Jellicoe was disturbed by the Admiralty failure to discuss the raid with their commander in chief of the Home Fleet at sea. The Germans appreciated that standing patrols by destroyers wasted time and resources, leaving them open to attack. The Germans sowed defensive minefields to prevent enemy ships approaching and freed the destroyers to escort larger ships, which were never to be sent out one by one. The British realised it was foolish to have sent Arethusa into battle with inadequate training and jammed guns.

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    At the start of 1916, most of the British Army had been an inexperienced and patchily trained mass of volunteers. The Somme was the debut of the Kitchener Army created by Lord Kitchener's call for recruits at the start of the war. The British volunteers were often the fittest, most enthusiastic and best educated citizens but British casualties were also inexperienced soldiers and it has been claimed that their loss was of lesser military significance than the losses of the remaining peace-trained officers and men of the German army. British casualties on the first day were the worst in the history of the British army, with 57,470 British casualties, 19,240 of whom were killed. British survivors of the battle had gained experience and the BEF learned how to conduct the mass industrial warfare, which the continental armies had been fighting since 1914.

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    Surprised, outnumbered and outgunned, three German light cruisers and one destroyer were sunk, three light cruisers were damaged, 712 sailors killed, 530 injured and 336 taken prisoner. The British only suffered casualties of 35 killed and 40 wounded, one light cruiser and three destroyers damaged. Despite the inequality of the fight, the battle was regarded as a great victory in Britain, where the returning ships were met by cheering crowds. Beatty was vaunted as a hero, although he had taken little part in the action or planning of the raid, which was led by Commodore Tyrwhitt and conceived by him and Keyes, who had persuaded the Admiralty to adopt it. The raid might have led to disaster had the additional forces under Beatty not been sent by Admiral John Jellicoe at the last minute. The German government and the Kaiser in particular, restricted the freedom of action of the German fleet, instructing it to avoid any contact with superior forces for several months thereafter. The battle took place less than a month after the British declaration of war against Germany on 5 August 1914. The war on land went badly for the French and their allies at the Battle of the Frontiers, the German invasion of France. British naval tactics had typically involved a close blockade of ports and this had been the British plan for war against Germany up to 1913. The Admiralty had realised that the advent of submarines armed with torpedoes and mines meant that operations involving capital ships near an opponent's ports would place them at great risk of surprise attack. Ships would be obliged to keep moving and return to port every few days to refuel. The German navy had expected that Britain would adopt its traditional approach and had invested in submarines and coast defences. The main body of the German navy—the High Seas Fleet (HSF)—was smaller than the British Grand Fleet stationed around home waters and could not expect victory in a fleet engagement. The HSF adopted a strategy of waiting in defended home ports for opportunities to attack the larger British force. The British adopted a strategy of distant blockade, patrolling the North Sea rather than waters close to Germany. If German ships sailed, they must either pass the 20 mi (17 nmi; 32 km)-wide Straits of Dover, defended by British submarines and mine barrages or the North Sea, where the Home Fleet was stationed at Scapa Flow in Orkney, defending the 200 mi (170 nmi; 320 km)-wide narrow point between Britain and Norway. The German ships were contained in an area where they could not attack Allied merchant shipping; to keep the HSF in harbour, the British made occasional forays with the Grand Fleet and patrolled with smaller cruiser and battlecruiser squadrons.

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    After burying the dead and resting the survivors, Lukin advanced to Sidi Barrani and entered unopposed on 28 February. Sollum was reoccupied by British forces after an approach march of 390 kilometres (240 mi) on 14 March, having been hastily evacuated by the Senussi. Jaafar Pasha was taken to Cairo and having been deprived of his leadership, the Senussi revolt collapsed. The Senussi never again withstood a British attack and although the campaign lasted for several more months, desert conditions were more of an obstacle to British operations than Senussi resistance. The Senussi had an estimated 500 casualties and 39 men were captured, along with 60 camels loaded with dates and 40,000 rounds of ammunition. British casualties were 184 men, of whom the Dorset Yeomanry lost 32 killed and 26 wounded.

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    A series of minor engagements and skirmishes between the Ottomans and Arabs and the British followed, during which the latter were generally successful, but found it impossible to hold the country far inland. Early in 1916 the Ottomans claimed that the British had been driven back on to Aden itself, and had retreated to within range of the covering fire of their warships, where they had been inactive for some months. Many of the Ottoman claims were greatly exaggerated, and some wholly false. In February 1916, Major John Pretyman Newman, MP, asked in the British Parliament for any information about the fighting near Aden. Austen Chamberlain, then Secretary of State for India, responded that the Ottoman claim of success which had recently been put forward would seem to have been founded on an engagement which took place on 12 January between a reconnoitring column of the Aden garrison and an Ottoman force in the neighbourhood of Shaikh Othman. The loss on our side was one British officer and thirty-five Indian rank and file killed, and four British and thirty-five Indian rank and file wounded. The enemy losses were severe, amounting to about two hundred killed and wounded. The British column was neither annihilated nor defeated, but withdrew when the purpose of the movement was completed, Chamberlain said.

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    On 22 August, the 13th Division of the VII Corps, on the right flank of the 2nd Army, encountered British cavalry north of Binche, as the rest of the army to the east began an attack over the Sambre river, against the French Fifth Army. By the evening the bulk of the 1st Army had reached a line from Silly to Thoricourt, Louvignies and Mignault; the III and IV Reserve corps had occupied Brussels and screened Antwerp. Reconnaissance by cavalry and aircraft indicated that the area to the west of the army was free of troops and that British troops were not concentrating around Kortrijk, Lille and Tournai but were thought to be on the left flank of the Fifth Army, from Mons to Maubeuge. Earlier in the day, British cavalry had been reported at Casteau, to the north-east of Mons. A British aeroplane had been seen at Louvain (Leuven) on 20 August and on the afternoon of 22 August, a British aircraft en route from Maubeuge, was shot down by the 5th Division. More reports had reached the IX Corps, that columns were moving from Valenciennes to Mons, which made clear the British deployment but were not passed on to the 1st Army headquarters. Kluck assumed that the subordination of the 1st Army to the 2nd Army had ended, since the passage of the Sambre had been forced. Kluck wished to be certain to envelop the left (west) flank of the opposing forces to the south but was again over-ruled and ordered to advance south, rather than south-west, on 23 August.

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    Slight opposition was met half way to the station and much abandoned equipment was found. Firing was heard until about 1 mi (1.6 km) from Agbeluvhoe, where most of the c. 200 German troops from the trains were found to have surrendered, along with two trains, wagons, a machine-gun, rifles and much ammunition. The Germans who escaped proved too demoralised to conduct demolitions and 30 mi (48 km) of track were captured. The British lost six killed and 35 wounded, some of whom had wounds which raised suspicions that the Germans had used soft-nosed bullets, which was later discovered to have been partly true, as some hurriedly incorporated reservists had used their civilian ammunition. The Germans lost a quarter of their troops in the attempt to harass British forces to the south, by using the railway. It was considered a great failure and defeat for the Germans in Togoland. Although it may briefly have delayed the British northward advance, which was not resumed until 19 August, the Battle of Agbeluvhoe had no lasting effect on the advance of the Allies. The wireless station at Kamina was demolished by the Germans, which cut off German ships in the South Atlantic from communication with Europe and influenced the Battle of the Falkland Islands (8 December). The acting Governor of the colony, Major Hans-Georg von Döring surrendered eleven days after the battle, on 26 August 1914. The German force of c. 1,500 men in one German and seven local companies, had been expected to be most difficult to defeat, given the Togolese terrain and the extensive entrenchments at Kamina. A German prisoner later wrote that few of the Germans had military training, the defences of Kamina had been too large for the garrison to defend and were ringed by hills. The Germans were not able to obtain information about the British in the neighbouring Gold Coast (Ghana) and instructions by wireless from Berlin only insisted that the transmitting station be protected. In the first three weeks of August, the transmitter had passed 229 messages from Nauen to German colonies and German shipping. Defence of the transmitter had wider operational effects but Von Döring made no attempt at protracted resistance. The British had c. 83 casualties and the German forces had c. 41 casualties at the Battle of Agbeluvhoe. On 22 August the Battle of Chra was fought by the Anglo-French invaders and the Germans on the Chra River and in Chra village. The German forces had dug in and repulsed the Anglo-French attack. A new attack on 23 August found that the Germans has retired further inland to Kamina. By the end of the campaign, six of seven provinces had been abandoned by the Germans, bridges had not been blown and only the Chra river line of the three possible water obstacles had been defended. The speed of the invasion by several British and French columns, whose size was over-estimated and lack of local support for the colonial regime, had been insuperable obstacles for the German colonialists. Togoland was occupied by the British and French for the duration of the war.