要塞の特徴と武装
- 要塞は三角形または四角形であり、コンクリートで建てられ、周囲には溝と有刺鉄線の塊があった。
- 要塞には、78×210ミリメートルの榴弾砲、150ミリメートルと120ミリメートルの砲、57ミリメートルの速射砲が装備されていた。
- 要塞には弾薬の保管用マガジン、最大500人の乗員用の居住区域、照明用の発電機がありました。また、要塞には日常の必需品のための設備も備えていました。
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The forts were triangular or quadrangular and built of concrete, with a surrounding ditch and barbed-wire entanglements. The superstructures were buried and only mounds of concrete or masonry and soil were visible. The forts were armed with 78 x 210-millimetre (8.3 in) howitzers, 150-millimetre (5.9 in) and 120-millimetre (4.7 in) guns and 57-millimetre (2.2 in) quick-firers. Each fort had retractable cupolas, mounting guns up to 6-inch (150 mm) and the main guns were mounted in steel turrets with 360° traverse but only the 57-millimetre (2.2 in) turret could be elevated. The forts contained magazines for the storage of ammunition, crew quarters for up to 500 men and electric generators for lighting. Provision had been made for the daily needs of the fortress troops but the latrines, showers, kitchens and the morgue had been built in the counterscarp, which could become untenable if fumes from exploding shells, collected in the living quarters and support areas as the forts were ventilated naturally. Pentagonal Brialmont fort, 1914 The forts were not linked and could only communicate by telephone and telegraph, the wires for which were not buried. Smaller fortifications and trench lines in the gaps between the forts, to link and protect them had been planned by Brialmont but had not been built by 1914.
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要塞は三角形または四角形でコンクリート造りだった。周囲は壕と鉄条網が巡らされていた。上部構造物は隠されており、ただコンクリートやレンガや土で出来た土塁だけが見えていた。 要塞は、78口径210ミリ (8.3 in) 榴弾砲、150ミリ (5.9 in) や120ミリ (4.7 in) の野砲、それに57ミリ (2.2 in) 速射砲で武装していた。それぞれの要塞には引き込み式のドームがあり、6インチ(150 mm) 砲が据えられていた。主な野砲は360度回転可能な鋼鉄製砲塔に据えられていたが、57ミリ速射砲(2.2 in)だけは上下可動式の砲塔に据えられていた。 要塞には弾薬を貯蔵する火薬庫があった。500名の要員と宿舎、照明用の発電機もあった。補給は要塞部隊が必要とするものが毎日行われたが、トイレやシャワーや台所や資料庫は、要塞の外にあり、砲弾の爆発や砲煙から守られてはいなかった。換気設備がなく自然のままなので、補給物資は兵舎や支援区域に集められた。 五角形のブリアルモンド要塞、1914年 要塞は互いに連携しておらず、電話と電信でのみ通信できた。無線はまだなかった。より小さな砦や塹壕を要塞間に設けて、連携して防御することが、ブリアルモンドによって計画されていたが、1914年迄は建設されなかった。
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＞The forts were triangular or quadrangular and built of concrete, with a surrounding ditch and barbed-wire entanglements. The superstructures were buried and only mounds of concrete or masonry and soil were visible. The forts were armed with 78 x 210-millimetre (8.3 in) howitzers, 150-millimetre (5.9 in) and 120-millimetre (4.7 in) guns and 57-millimetre (2.2 in) quick-firers. Each fort had retractable cupolas, mounting guns up to 6-inch (150 mm) and the main guns were mounted in steel turrets with 360° traverse but only the 57-millimetre (2.2 in) turret could be elevated. ⇒要塞は、三角形か四角形のコンクリート造りで、周囲は壕と鉄条網が巡らされていた。上部構造物には覆いがかけられており、ただコンクリート、レンガ、土の土塁だけが見えていた。要塞は、口径210ミリ(8.3インチ)の榴弾砲、150ミリ(5.9インチ)や120ミリ(4.7インチ)の大砲、および57ミリ(2.2インチ)の速射砲など78門で武装していた。それぞれの要塞には引き込み式のドームがあって、頂上に6インチ(150ミリ)砲が据えられており、主砲は360度回転可能なスチール製砲塔に据えられていたが、57ミリ(2.2インチ)速射砲だけは上下可動式の砲塔に据えられていた。 ＞The forts contained magazines for the storage of ammunition, crew quarters for up to 500 men and electric generators for lighting. Provision had been made for the daily needs of the fortress troops but the latrines, showers, kitchens and the morgue had been built in the counterscarp, which could become untenable if fumes from exploding shells, collected in the living quarters and support areas as the forts were ventilated naturally. ⇒要塞には、弾薬貯蔵用の火薬庫、最大500人収容の兵舎、照明用の発電機があった。要塞詰め軍隊が日常必要とするものは補給されていたが、要塞は自然換気式なので、補給物資は兵舎や支援用途区域に集められた。また、トイレ、シャワー室、台所、霊安室などは要塞の外壁部にあり、砲弾の爆発・発煙があると持ちこたえられない造りであった。 ＞Pentagonal Brialmont fort, 1914 ＞The forts were not linked and could only communicate by telephone and telegraph, the wires for which were not buried. Smaller fortifications and trench lines in the gaps between the forts, to link and protect them had been planned by Brialmont but had not been built by 1914. ⇒五稜郭型のブリアルモント要塞、1914年 ⇒要塞は互いに連携しておらず、電話と電信でのみ通信できたが、そのためのワイヤは土中に埋設されていた。ブリアルモントにより、連携して防御するためにより小さな砦や塹壕を要塞間の窪地に（設けることが）計画されていたが、1914年までは建設されなかった。
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The French had suffered 5,000 casualties and up to 49,000 troops went into captivity, along with several hundred guns and machine-guns; German casualties were 1,100–5,000 men. The garrison had withstood bombardment by heavy and super-heavy artillery, air raids and infantry attacks for fifteen days, longer than any other besieged fortress in Belgium or France, leaving the German 2nd Army short of troops as it pursued the Franco-British Armies southwards towards the Marne. After the Franco-Prussian War of 1870–1871 the French built more fortresses on the German border and extended the frontier fortifications northwards with new building at Hirson, Maubeuge, Lille and Dunkirk. Raymond Adolphe Séré de Rivières oversaw the creation of a ring fortress, le camp retranché de Maubeuge (the Entrenched Camp of Maubeuge) with the construction of six forts and seven intermediate fortifications (ouvrages, fortified shelters). The town walls, 500–600 m (550–660 yd) in diameter, had been built by Marshal Sébastien de Vauban in the seventeenth century. Forts de Boussois, des Sarts, de Leveau, d'Hautmont, du Bourdiau and Fort de Cerfontaine were built about 3–6 km (1.9–3.7 mi) beyond the city walls, on a circumference of about 32 km (20 mi). The forts were pre-1885 masonry types except for du Bourdiau, which had a concrete shell, capable of resisting some modern heavy artillery. The masonry forts had a covering of earth 3 m (9.8 ft) thick, except for Le Sarts, which had a clay layer only .5 m (1.6 ft) thick; the forts made prominent landmarks. Ouvrages (fortified infantry shelters) had been built in the wide gaps between the forts, except between Boussois and Le Sarts where two were built. Ouvrage de Rocq in the south-east had an infantry parapet and some masonry shelters, the other ouvrages were low concrete shelters with provision for seating. The forts had no ancillary services like kitchens or first aid posts and water was drawn from a well, which could easily be blocked by artillery fire. The forts contained 80–90 guns which had no overhead cover, making them vulnerable to counter-battery fire, except Boussois and Fort de Cerfontaine, which had two cast iron Menon 155 mm gun turrets and three 75 mm turrets; none of the forts were linked to the citadel. Brigadier-General Henri Fournier, an engineer, was appointed Governor on 17 March 1914. His inspection revealed that the defences were in a very poor state and he galvanised the garrison to restore the defences, believing that war with Germany was inevitable. The main zone of resistance was given priority, to stop a German advance well outside the town. Work went on round the clock and new positions were built to close the gap between Fort de Boussois and Le Salmagne. Gaps between ouvrages La Salmagne, Bersillies, Gréveaux and ouvrages Ferriére la Petite and de Rocq were blocked by strengthening the existing fortifications.
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The forts were not linked and could only communicate by telephone and telegraph, the wires for which were not buried. Smaller fortifications and trench lines in the gaps between the forts, to link and protect them had been planned by Brialmont but had not been built by 1914. The fortress troops were not at full strength in 1914 and many men were drawn from local guard units, who had received minimal training, due to the reorganisation of the Belgian army, which had begun in 1911 and which was not due to be complete until 1926. The forts also had c. 30,000 soldiers of the 3rd Division to defend the gaps between forts, c. 6,000 fortress troops and members of the paramilitary Garde Civique, equipped with rifles and machine-guns. The garrison of c. 40,000 men and 400 guns, was insufficient to man the forts and field fortifications. In early August 1914, the garrison commander was unsure of the forces which he would have at his disposal, since until 6 August, it was possible that all of the Belgian army would advance towards the Meuse.
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The Meuse valley was a route by which France or Germany could be invaded and after the Franco-Prussian War, General Henri Alexis Brialmont fortified the valley at Liège and Namur, to deter France and Germany from violating Belgian sovereignty. The Fortified Position of Namur (FPN) was built from 1888–1892, about 7 kilometres (4.3 mi) from the centre of Namur, to a standard design of triangular and quadrilateral shapes, to minimize the number of defensive batteries in the fort ditches, with the point facing outwards. On the left bank of the Meuse lay the modernised forts of Fort de Malonne, Fort de Saint-Héribert and Fort de Suarlée, the unmodernised Fort d'Emines and Fort de Cognelée and the modernized Fort de Marchovelette. On the right bank were Fort de Maizeret, Fort d'Andoy and Fort de Dave, all modernized. The obsolete Citadel of Namur in the town became redundant. The forts were built of non-reinforced concrete but this could only be poured in daylight, which caused weak joints between each pour. A citadel was built and covered by 3–4 metres (9.8–13.1 ft) of concrete; caserne walls which were less vulnerable, had concrete of 1.5 metres (4.9 ft) thickness, inside a defended ditch 8 metres (26 ft) wide. The entrance had a long access ramp at the rear facing Namur, protected by a tambour with gun embrasures perpendicular to the entry, a rolling drawbridge retracting laterally over a 3.5 metres (11 ft) pit equipped with grenade launchers, an entrance grille and a 57-millimetre (2.2 in) gun firing along the axis of the gate. The forts at Liège and Namur had 171 heavy guns, with each fort equipped with 5–8 Krupp guns of 120-millimetre (4.7 in), 150-millimetre (5.9 in) and 210-millimetre (8.3 in) calibre, which were the most modern armaments available in 1888, mounted in retractable armoured steel turrets made in France, Belgium and Germany. Three smaller retractable turrets were built in the triangular forts and four in the quadrilateral forts, with 57-millimetre (2.2 in) guns for short-range defence and 6–9 more 57-millimetre (2.2 in) guns were mounted in casemates to defend the ditches.
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The terrain in the fortress zone was difficult to observe, because many ravines ran between the forts. Interval defences had been built just before the battle but were insufficient to stop German infiltration. The forts were also vulnerable to attack from the rear, the direction from which the German bombardments were fired. The forts had been built to withstand shelling from 210-millimetre (8.3 in) guns, which were the largest mobile artillery in 1890 but concrete used in construction was not of the best quality and by 1914 the German army had obtained much larger 420mm howitzers, (L/12 420-millimetre (17 in) M-Gerät 14 Kurze Marine-Kanone) and Austrian 305mm howitzers (Škoda 305-millimetre (12.0 in) Mörser M. 11). The Belgian 3rd Division (Lieutenant-General Gérard Léman) defended Liège.[9] Within the division, there were four brigades and various other formations with c. 36,000 troops and 400 guns. The Army of the Meuse consisted of the 11th Brigade of III Corps (Major-General von Wachter), the 14th Brigade of IV Corps (Major-General von Wussow), the 27th Brigade of VII Corps (Colonel von Massow), the 34th Brigade of IX Corps (Major-General von Kraewel), the 38th Brigade of X Corps (Colonel von Oertzen) and the 43rd Brigade of XI Corps (Major-General von Hülsen).The cavalry component consisted of Höherer Kavallerie-Kommandeur II (II Cavalry Corps Lieutenant-General Von der Marwitz, consisting of the 2nd (Major-General Von Krane), 4th (Lieutenant-General Von Garnier) and the 9th (Major-General Von Bulow) cavalry divisions. The Army of the Meuse (General von Emmich) had c. 59,800 troops with 100 guns and howitzers, accompanied by Erich Ludendorff as an observer for the General Staff.
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On 11 January 1915, the commander of the British Mediterranean Squadron, Vice Admiral S. H. Carden proposed a plan for forcing the Dardanelles using battleships, submarines and minesweepers. On 13 February, the British War Council approved the plan and Carden was given more pre-dreadnought battleships, the modern battleship HMS Queen Elizabeth and the battlecruiser HMS Inflexible. France contributed a squadron including four pre-dreadnoughts and the Russian navy provided the light cruiser Askold. In early February 1915, the naval forces were supplemented by contingents of Royal Marines and the 29th Division, the last uncommitted regular division, which joined Australian and New Zealand Army Corps (Anzac) divisions training in Egypt. The infantry were intended for the occupation of Constantinople after the straits had been taken by the Entente navies. In August 1914, the Outer Defences were two fortresses at the end of the Gallipoli peninsula and two on the Asiatic shore. The forts had 19 guns, four with a range of 9 mi (14 km) and the remainder with ranges of 3.4–4.5 mi (5.5–7.2 km). Four field howitzers were dug in at Tekke Burnu (Cape Tekke) on the European side, then for the next 10 mi (16 km), there was a gap until the Intermediate Defences at Kephez Point, with four defensive works on the south shore and one on the north shore. The fortresses had been built to cover a minefield, which in August 1914 was a line of mines across the strait from Kephez Point to the European shore. Fort Dardanos was the main work which had two new 6-inch naval guns and the rest contained ten small Quick-firing guns with shields. At the Narrows, the Inner Defences had the heaviest guns and some mobile light howitzers and field guns. Five forts had been built on the European side and six on the Asian side with 72 heavy and medium guns. Most of the artillery was obsolescent but there were five long-range 14 in (360 mm) guns with a range of 9.7 mi (15.6 km) and three 9.4 in (240 mm) guns with a 8.5 mi (13.7 km) range. The remainder of the guns in the Inner Defences were mostly obsolete and unable to shoot beyond 5.7 mi (9.2 km). Of the 100 guns in the pre-war defences, only 14 were modern long-range pieces, the rest being old-fashioned breech loaders on fixed carriages. The gunners were poorly trained, there was little ammunition and scant prospect of replacement. Night illumination consisted of a searchlight at entrance to the Straits and one at the Narrows. The forts were easily visible, there were few gun shields and other protective features for the gun-crews and range-finding, artillery observation and fire-control depended on an telephones linked by wire on telephone poles, vulnerable to artillery-fire. The Ottoman official historian wrote, On mobilisation, the fortification and armament of the Dardanelles was very inadequate. Not only were the majority of the guns of old pattern, with a slow rate of fire and short range, but their ammunition supply was also limited. — Ottoman Official History
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The Germans secured the appointment of Lieutenant-General Erich Weber as an advisor to the Ottoman GHQ and at the end of August 1914, Vice-Admiral Guido von Usedom, several specialists and 500 men were sent to reinforce the forts on the Dardanelles and Bosphorus. In September, Usedom was made Inspector-General of Coast Defences and Mines and Vice-Admiral Johannes Merten relieved Weber at Chanak with a marine detachment to operate the modern guns. By mid-September, the German advisers reported that the guns in the Narrows had been refurbished and were serviceable. By October, most of the guns in the main batteries had German crews, operating as training units but able to man the guns in an emergency. Plans were made to build more defensive works in the Intermediate Zone and to bring in mobile howitzers and quick-firers dismounted from older Ottoman ships. Several heavy howitzers arrived in October but the poor standard of training of the Ottoman gunners, obsolete armaments and the chronic ammunition shortage, which Usedom reported was sufficient only to defend against one serious attack, led him to base the defence of the straits on minefields. Three more lines of mines had been laid before Usedom arrived and another 145 mines were searched out, serviced and laid in early November. Cover of the minefields was increased with small quick-firers and four more searchlights. by March 1915, there were ten lines of mines and 12 searchlights. When the Ottoman Empire went to war on 29 October 1914, the defences of the Straits had been much improved but the Intermediate Defences were still inadequately organised and lacking in guns, searchlights and mines. On 3 November, the outer forts were bombarded by Allied ships, which galvanised the Ottoman defenders into reducing their obstructionism against the German advisers. The fortress commander, Jevad Pasha, wrote later that he had to improve the defences at all costs. The short bombardment had been extraordinarily successful, destroying the forts at Sedd el Bahr with two shots, that exploded the magazine and dismounted the guns. The Ottoman and German defenders concluded that the Outer Defences could be demolished by ships firing from beyond the range of the Ottoman reply. The forts were repaired but not reinforced and the main effort was directed to protecting the minefield and Inner Defences.
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Much of the new digging on the rest of the Western Front was done on reverse slopes, invisible to ground observers and capable of being engaged only by howitzer-fire. The French methods of attack had been made obsolete by the time of the resumption of the offensive in September 1915, when many French troops were killed on such slopes, in front of uncut wire, before an undamaged second position. French sources put casualties from 3 May to 18 June at 102,500 of whom 35,000 men were killed; another 37,500 casualties were incurred in secondary operations. The German official historians of the Reichsarchiv recorded c. 102,500 French casualties from 9 May –to18 June, 32,000 British casualties and 73,072 German casualties. Sheldon recorded the same figures for French casualties, quoting the French Official History and c. 30,000 casualties for the German divisions most involved in the battle (1st and 5th Bavarian Reserve divisions, 3rd Bavarian, 5th, 11th, 15th, 16th and 115th divisions) noting that some figures are estimates believed to be too low but that the total was far fewer than French losses. In 2013 Krause recorded ranges of 100,000–121,000 French and 50,000–80,000 German casualties. The battle had great influence on the French army during the preparations for the autumn offensive of 1915 in Champagne and Artois, which were also based on an assumption that strategic victories were possible after one or two days of offensive action. Joffre ordered another 5,500 machine-guns, to double the number per brigade by 1 January 1916. Production of the 240 mm Trench Mortar (240 mm (9.4 in)) and 340 mm (13 in) trench mortar was increased and manufacture began of artillerie lourde à grande puissance (ALGP, long range heavy guns); production of 75 mm ammunition was reduced to increase quality and large orders were placed for aircraft and for gas shells. The growth of French war production by September 1915, enabled the French to attack in two places simultaneously. At the end of June, Joffre discussed strategy with the army group commanders and Pétain, who had been promoted to the command of the Second Army. Foch again advocated a series of limited attacks, particularly in Artois where strategically important railways were relatively close behind the German lines.[j] Castelnau believed that it was still possible to advance through the German defences in one attack and that Champagne was a likely region for such an attempt, if the mistakes made on 9 May could be avoided. Pétain agreed with Foch but doubted that another offensive could quickly be prepared in Artois and was sceptical that any part of the Western Front was free of villages like Souchez and Neuville, which could be fortified and against which, only attacks even more limited than those advocated by Foch were practical. On 8 July, Joffre decided to make the principal attack in Champagne, with a supporting attack in Artois a few days earlier to attract German reserves.
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On 26 August, the 145th Infantry Regiment, two batteries of 75 mm field guns and a cavalry squadron sortied towards La Longueville to reconnoitre German forces that had been reported there. Skirmishing took place with German patrols and late in the afternoon the rumble of artillery was heard to the west, which raised hopes that the siege would be lifted but after two days the sounds died away. By 27 August, Maubeuge had been surrounded and the fortress artillery began speculative bombardments on crossroads and other likely targets, which had little effect beyond revealing the positions of the guns to German observers. On 28 August, the garrison reserve sallied towards the south and an inconclusive skirmish was fought beyond bois Leroy, which prevented the French from reconnoitring German positions. None of the expeditions pushed to sufficient depth and none were directed to the east towards the principal threat. The German siege artillery between the Sambre and La Trouille at Solre sur Sambre, Peissant, Fauroeulx, Haulchies, Givry, had completed its preparations, screened by infantry from Grand-Reng to Erquelines. At 1:00 p.m. the German bombardment commenced on Fort de Boussois, Ouvrage du Faignies, Salmagne and Bersillies. Inside the Entrenched Camp the Germans had many spies who reported on the fall of shot and spread alarmist rumours. The bombardment by 210 mm, 280 mm and 305 mm howitzers (420 mm from 2 September) began to spread to Fort de Cerfontaine and Fort des Sarts. Maubeuge town was bombarded by 120 mm guns; the Porte de France district was severely damaged and fire brigade fought fires amidst the bombardment, suffering many casualties but civilians and refugees found safety by sheltering in cellars. Faubourg de Sous le Bois, occupied by the general reserve and faubourg de Louvroil, with numerous encampments, were severely bombarded; water and gas mains were cut and telephone wires brought down. The German siege gunners concentrated on the permanent fortifications and the recent improvised positions. Ouvrages were damaged and the occupants risked asphyxiation from gases released by the shell explosions; Fort de Boussois was demolished and the roof of the Menon turret was blown off. The interval positions were destroyed and an ammunition dump was hit by an Austrian 305 mm shell; the walls collapsed and sixty French troops were asphyxiated. Fournier attempted to reply to the German bombardment but the artillery in the sectors not being attacked could not be moved for lack of transport. Guns from the general reserve were moved between Fort de Cerfontaine and Fort des Sarts but the guns were destroyed one by one. The Territorial troops in the front line were aghast at the effect of the German artillery and some units panicked.
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There were three phases to the bombardment: a brief fire on command and communications, then a destructive counter-battery bombardment and then bombardment of front-line positions. The deep bombardment aimed to knock out the opponent's ability to respond; it lasted only a few hours to retain surprise, before the infantry attacked behind a creeping barrage. Such artillery tactics had been made possible by the vast numbers of accurate heavy guns and large stocks of ammunition that Germany had deployed on the Western Front by 1918. An officer of the 51st (Highland) Division wrote, "The year 1917 ... closed in an atmosphere of depression. Most divisions on the Western front had been engaged continuously in offensive operations ... all were exhausted ... and weakened." The last German offensive on the Western Front, before the Cambrai Gegenschlag (counter-stroke) of December 1917, had been against the French at Verdun, giving the British commanders little experience in defence. The development of a deep defence system of zones and trench lines by the Germans during 1917, had led the British to adopt a similar system of defence in depth. This reduced the proportion of troops in the front line, which was lightly held by snipers, patrols and machine-gun posts and concentrated reserves and supply dumps to the rear, away from German artillery. British divisions arranged their nine infantry battalions in the forward and battle zones according to local conditions and the views of commanders; about 1⁄3 of the infantry battalions of the Fifth Army and a similar number in the Third Army held the forward zone. The Forward Zone was organised in three lines to a depth depending on the local terrain. The first two lines were not held continuously, particularly in the Fifth Army area, where they were in isolated outpost groups in front of an irregular line of supporting posts. The third line was a series of small redoubts for two or four platoons. Posts and redoubts were sited so that intervening ground could be swept by machine-gun and rifle-fire or from machine-guns adjacent to the redoubts. Defence of the Forward Zone depended on fire-power rather than large numbers of troops but in the Fifth Army area a lack of troops meant that the zone was too weak to be able to repulse a large attack.
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Advancing under cover of the terrain they got to within 300 yd (270 m) of the position, drew their swords and charged. The Warwickshire Yeomanry squadron attacked the main force of Turkish infantry, then turned and attacked the gun line. The regiment's other half squadron and the Worcestershire Yeomanry squadron attacked the guns from the front, while the remaining troops attacked an infantry position located at the rear behind the main force. The German and Austrian artillerymen carried on firing until the horsemen were around 20 yd (18 m) away then some took cover underneath their guns. Those who remained standing were mostly stabbed by the swords of the attacking British, while others running away from the guns escaped injury by lying on the ground. Turkish heliograph section at Huj The only officer of the Worcestershire Yeomanry to escape uninjured Lieutenant Mercer described the charge; "Machine guns and rifles opened up on us the moment we topped the rise behind which we had formed up. I remember thinking that the sound of crackling bullets was just like hailstorm on a iron-roofed building, so you may guess what the fusillade was....A whole heap of men and horses went down twenty or thirty yards from the muzzles of the guns. The squadron broke into a few scattered horsemen at the guns and seemed to melt away completely. For a time I, at any rate, had the impression that I was the only man left alive. I was amazed to discover we were the victors". All three charges were successful and the main force of infantry withdrew leaving the guns undefended apart from their crews. The yeomanry captured seventy prisoners, eleven artillery guns and four machine guns. British casualties amounted to twenty-six men dead, including three squadron commanding officers, and forty wounded, 100 horses were also killed in the charge.The charge opened the way for the British forces to continue the advance, as it had destroyed the last of the Turkish strength south of the village of Huj which was captured later that day. No large groups of Turkish soldiers were cut off. However both British yeomanry regiments contingents were in no position to continue the pursuit of the withdrawing Turkish forces.
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