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和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします 11Visibly shocked at the inactivity of the Allies, he said:’ There is no problem that is as pressing as the reunification of Germany. 12There will be no rest, no peace until this problem is solved.’ 4Adenauer portrayed himself as the father figure of the whole of the German population. 5In Autumn 1953 he achieved an astounding success at the elections. 13This opinion was shared in particular by the SPD, which kept its sights on the whole of Germany. 14By means of solidarity campaigns, which were rejected in advance by the occupiers, they demonstrated their solidarity with the East Germans. 3This success created a broad parliamentary basis for his policy of Western integration. 6West Germans totally believed in his slogan ‘No experiments’ and his Western policy. 7The ‘Oberburgermeister’ of Berlin, Ernst Reuter, reacted more impulsively to the dramatic events.


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  • ddeana
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文脈を統一する為に出来る限り連続する番号順に訳させていただきました。ご了承ください。 3)この成功は西側統合という彼の政策に必要な広範な議会基盤を作り上げました。 4)アデナウアーは全ドイツ人民の理想の父親像としての自分を演じ続けました。 5)1953年秋、彼は選挙で驚異的勝利を収めたのです。 6)西ドイツの人々は全面的に「実験はいらない」という彼のスローガンと西欧ポリシーを信じていました。 7)ベルリン知事、アーネスト・ロイターは劇的な出来事に、より衝動的な反応を見せました。 11)連合国の不活動状態に明らかにショックをうけた彼は「ドイツ統一と同じぐらい差し迫った問題などありはしない。」といいました。 12)「この問題が解決されるまで休息も平和もないのである。」 13)この意見は特にドイツ全土を視野に置いていたドイツ社会民主党によって共有されました。 14)あらかじめ占領軍により拒否された連帯キャンペーンを利用して、彼らは東ドイツ人民との連帯を表しました。



とてもわかりやすいです ありがとうございました!!


  • ドイツ軍に関連する英文の和訳で困っています

    和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします The suppression of the events of 17 June was in fact convenient for Adenauer, particularly since it validated the policy he had been pursuing up until then and to advise against talks at Four Power level in the light of Soviet repression in the GDR and their continuing support for the SED, even though for tactical reasons he publicly called for them. The events of 17 June strengthened his position both in the alliance with the Western powers and in internal politics, as the elections of 6 September prove. After a delayed return from Vienna on 18 June, he protested to the Americans. In no uncertain terms, he called for ‘the mobilization of all forces to put an end to the madness’. Later he declared in a radio speech ‘that people can surely not in the long term be held down by martial law, bayonets and thanks’. Annoyed at the lack of obedience, the Party members who participated were given a telling off. Even the governing mayor was reprimanded over his behavior.

  • 英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えてください

    英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします!! 9It is confirmed by an internal remark of the British Foreign Secretary, Selwyn Lloyd: Germany is the key of the peace of Europe. 10A divided Europe has meant a divided Germany. 11To unite Germany while Europe is divided, even if practicable, is fraught with danger for all. 17On the afternoon of 17 June he expressed on the radio his inner solidarity with the demonstrators. 18At the same time he called on them ‘not to be carried away into doing anything rash in response to provocations’. 19This hesitant stance was significant; it disappointed the East German population and robbed them of any hope of a reunification in the near future.

  • 英文和訳

    And should we defeat every enemy, and should we double our wealth and conquer the stars, and still be unequal to this issue, then we will have failed as a people and as a nation. For, with a country as with a person, "what is a man profited if he shall gain the whole world, and lose his own soul?" There is no Negro problem. There is no Southern problem. There is no Northern problem. There is only an American problem.This was the first nation in the history of the world to be founded with a purpose. The great phrases of that purpose still sound in every American heart, North and South: "All men are created equal." "Government by consent of the governed." "Give me liberty or give me death." And those are not just clever words, and those are not just empty theories. In their name Americans have fought and died for two centuries and tonight around the world they stand there as guardians of our liberty risking their lives. Those words are promised to every citizen that he shall share in the dignity of man. This dignity cannot be found in a man's possessions. It cannot be found in his power or in his position. It really rests on his right to be treated as a man equal in opportunity to all others. It says that he shall share in freedom. He shall choose his leaders, educate his children, provide for his family according to his ability and his merits as a human being. To apply any other test, to deny a man his hopes because of his color or race or his religion or the place of his birth is not only to do injustice, it is to deny Americans and to dishonor the dead who gave their lives for American freedom. どなたかお願いします。

  • ドイツ軍に関連する英文の和訳で困っています

    和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします The US President, Dwight D. Eisenhower, who strictly refused to participate in a Four Power conference, now had a strong argument against it. On the afternoon of 17 June US Secretary of State John Foster Dulles learnt of the bloody crushing of the East German uprising and recognized that this event would make an excellent propaganda tool. In Washington the question was raised: ‘How could Churchill agree to sit down at the negotiating table with a government and trust a partner whose policy had just cost dozens of people in East Germany their lives and which was desperately attempting to keep an incompetent and hated regime in power against the will of the people?’

  • この英文の和訳をお願いします。

    The second feature seen from Fig.11 is that the profile of R(e,0) does not depend significantly on r_p (for r_p=0.005 to 0.0002). Only an exception is found near e≒1, but this is, in some sense, a singular point in R(e,0), which appears in a narrow region around e≒1 ( in fact, for e=0.9 and 1.2, there is no appreciable difference between r_p=0.005 and 0.0002). Thus, neglecting such fine structures in R(e,0), we can conclude that R(e,0) does depend very weakly on r_p. In other words, the dependence on r_p of <P(e,0)> is well approximated by that of <P(e,0)>_2B given by Eq. (28). Now, we will phenomenalogically show what physical quantity is related to the peak at e≒1. We introduce the collisional flux F(e,E) for orbits with e and E, where E is the Jacobi energy given by (see Eq. (15)) E=e^2/2-(3b^2)/8+9/2. (31) The collisional flux F(e,E) is defined by F(e,E)=(2/π)∫【‐π→π】p_col(e,i=0, b(E), τ)dτ. (32) From Eqs. (11) and (31), we obtain <P(e,0)>=∫F(e,E)dE. (33) In Fig.12, F(e,E) is plotted as a function of E for the cases of e=0, 0.5, 1.0, and 2.0. We can see from this figure that in the case of e=1 a large fraction of low energy planetesimals contributes to the collisional rate compared to other cases (even to the cases with e<1). In general, in the case of high energy a solution for the three-body problem can be well described by the two-body approximation: in other words, in the case of low energy a large difference would exist between a solution for the three-body problem and that in the two-body approximation. As shown before, this difference appears as an enhancement of the collisional rate. Thereby an enhancement factor peak is formed at e≒1 where a large fraction of low-energy planetesimals contributes to the collisional rate. よろしくお願いいたします。

  • 英文を和訳して下さい。

    The British military historian Correlli Barnett claimed that the Treaty of Versailles was "extremely lenient in comparison with the peace terms that Germany herself, when she was expecting to win the war, had had in mind to impose on the Allies". Furthermore, he claimed, it was "hardly a slap on the wrist" when contrasted with the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk that Germany had imposed on a defeated Russia in March 1918, which had taken away a third of Russia's population (albeit of non-Russian ethnicity), one-half of Russia's industrial undertakings and nine-tenths of Russia's coal mines, coupled with an indemnity of six billion marks. Eventually, even under the "cruel" terms of the Treaty of Versailles, Germany′s economy had been restored to its pre-war status. Barnett also claims that, in strategic terms, Germany was in fact in a superior position following the Treaty than she had been in 1914. Germany′s eastern frontiers faced Russia and Austria, who had both in the past balanced German power. Barnett asserts that its post-war eastern borders were safer, because the former Austrian Empire fractured after the war into smaller, weaker states, Russia was wracked by revolution and civil war, and the newly restored Poland was no match for even a defeated Germany. In the West, Germany was balanced only by France and Belgium, both of which were smaller in population and less economically vibrant than Germany. Barnett concludes by saying that instead of weakening Germany, the treaty "much enhanced" German power. Britain and France should have (according to Barnett) "divided and permanently weakened" Germany by undoing Bismarck's work and partitioning Germany into smaller, weaker states so it could never have disrupted the peace of Europe again. By failing to do this and therefore not solving the problem of German power and restoring the equilibrium of Europe, Britain "had failed in her main purpose in taking part in the Great War".The British historian of modern Germany, Richard J. Evans, wrote that during the war the German right was committed to an annexationist program which aimed at Germany annexing most of Europe and Africa. Consequently, any peace treaty that did not leave Germany as the conqueror would be unacceptable to them. Short of allowing Germany to keep all the conquests of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, Evans argued that there was nothing that could have been done to persuade the German right to accept Versailles. Evans further noted that the parties of the Weimar Coalition, namely the Social Democratic Party of Germany (SPD), the social liberal German Democratic Party (DDP) and the Christian democratic Centre Party, were all equally opposed to Versailles, and it is false to claim as some historians have that opposition to Versailles also equalled opposition to the Weimar Republic.

  • 英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えてください

    英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします!! 3They publicly expressed their horror at the brutality and made it known to the East Germans that they sympathized with their fate. 4The Western press made a great show of supporting those who took part in the uprising and gave the impression that there would be Western involvement and help, but this impression that there would be Western involvement and help, but this impression was deceptive. 8The inactivity of Great Britain must be seen in the light of this stance. 15Adenauer was taken aback by popular uprising. 16He was at a loss about both the origin and the extent of the potential for protest.

  • この英文の和訳をお願いします。

    次の文章の和訳をお願いしますhttp://okwave.jp/qa/q8892746.htmlの文書の続きです。翻訳機能などを利用してもいまいちわかりませんので、どなたか和訳お願いします。 The conservative Keynesian policy of stimulating demand - which is the only one discussed in official circles and social democratic circles of the Left - does not provide for any kind of income redistribution towards the working classes of the population ( such as the progressive Keynesian policies of the post-war period ) but mainly anti-recessionary measures which restrict the devalorisation of capital . These can be useful policies only for the first critical phase of a crisis when its outbreak is sudden ; because their implementation facilitates the avoidance of a massive and uncontrollable wave of business bankruptcies that my even lead to an immediate collapse of the economy . Nonetheless , after this first critical phase is over , these policies are no longer useful because they cannot resolve the problem of the overaccumulation of capital ( in reality they contribute to its deterioration ) as they do not help the sufficient increase of the exploitation of labour and wage reduction . Therefore , the path of pro-cyclical economic policies for the capitalist system in crisis is a unique option . All these problems are clearly visible in the Memoranda strategy as its technical schedules and timetables continue to fall out , despite multiple revisions and adjustments . The Greek politico-economic block that supports the Memoranda (with the government as its key exponent ) argues that 2013 will signify the beginning of recovery and the programme will be a ' success story ' . However , even a simple examination of the declared policy targets of the Memoranda can prove the futility of any possible expectations about a 'success story ' .

  • この英文の和訳をお願いします

    私の元に英語で書かれたメールが送られていました どうが和訳をお願いいたします Dear Beneficiary On behalf of the Trustees and Executor of the estate of Late Engr. Reinhard Hermann, I once again try to notify you as my earlier letter to you returned undelivered. I hereby attempt to reach you again by this same email address on the WILL. I wish to notify you that Late Engr. R. Hermann made you a Beneficiary to his WILL. He left the sum of Ten Million Five Hundred Thousand United States Dollars ($10,500.000.00 USD) to you in the codicil and last testament to his WILL. This may sound strange and unbelievable to you, but it is real and true. Being a widely traveled man, he must have been in contact with you in the past or simply you were recommended to him by one of his numerous Friends abroad who wished you good. Engr. R. Hermann until his death was a member of the Helicopter Society and the Institute of Electrical & Electronic Engineers. He had a very good heart and was a philanthropist. His great philanthropy earned him numerous awards during his life time. I.e. UNO, WHO, & UNESCO. Late Engr. R. Hermann died on the 13th day of December, 2009. At the age of 80 years, and his WILL is now ready for execution. According to him this money is to support your humanitarian activities and to help the poor and the needy in your society. Please if I reach you this time as I am hoping, Endeavour to get back to me as soon as possible to enable me conclude my job. I hope to hear from you in no distant time through the email address below

  • 英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を助けてください

    英文の和訳で困っています 和訳を教えていただきたいです よろしくお願いします!! This was a campus (training-ground) for the military corps of upper-class youths, which Augustus promoted as part of a policy of producing model citizens and supporters of his regime. When not in use for drills and other displays, it would have been open to the general public as a pleasant intramural open space, analogous to the monumental porticus, such as the Porticus of Octavia and the Porticus of Livia, which the emperor created(in continuance of a Republican tradition) in the capital. It was provided with a central swimming pool and planted with plane trees whose estimated age at the time of the eruption is the chief argument for an Augustan date. The importance of the campus is attested by the fact that the space was obtained by suppressing six blocks of the pre-existing street-grid. Recent excavations have yielded traces of early properties which must have been bought or expropriated. One reason for placing the campus in the eastern part of the city may have been that this quarter was less densely populated than others, so that the cost of the development and the degree of disruption that it caused were less than they would have been elsewhere.