35-day Alberich timetable: German preparations and booby-traps
- The Germans prepared a 35-day Alberich timetable to destroy infrastructure in the salient
- Booby-traps with delayed-action fuzes were used, including pressure detonators and trip-wires connected to hand-grenades
- British engineers disabled many of the explosives planted by the Germans
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The Germans prepared a 35-day Alberich timetable; infrastructure in the salient was to be destroyed and buildings demolished from 9 February – 15 March. Booby-traps were devised with delayed-action fuzes used a striker on a spring, held back by a wire. Acid ate through the wire, to release the striker and detonate the explosive. A number of devices with such fuzes were planted in bunkers but most booby-traps had simple pressure detonators. Wires were attached to useful items like stove chimneys and loot; trip-wires on dug-out stairs were connected to bundles of hand-grenades. On some roads, heavy-artillery shells were buried with contact-fuzes, which would only be triggered by the weight of a lorry. British engineers and tunnelling companies scoured areas as they were occupied and disabled many of the explosives.
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＞The Germans prepared a 35-day Alberich timetable; infrastructure in the salient was to be destroyed and buildings demolished from 9 February – 15 March. ⇒ドイツ軍は、35日間分のアルベリヒ作戦の日程を作成した。突出部の基盤が破壊されることになっていて、建物は2月9日– 3月15日の期間に爆破された。 ＞Booby-traps were devised with delayed-action fuzes used a striker on a spring, held back by a wire. Acid ate through the wire, to release the striker and detonate the explosive. A number of devices with such fuzes were planted in bunkers but most booby-traps had simple pressure detonators. ⇒ブービー-トラップ（偽装爆弾）は、ワイヤーで引っぱって止めておくバネ打器式撃鉄が使われる時限起爆装置として考案された。酸がワイヤーを腐食していって、打器を解放し、爆薬を爆発させる。そのような起爆装置付きの爆弾がいくつか掩蔽壕に植え込まれたが、大部分のブービー-トラップは単純な圧力起爆装置を備えていた。 ＞Wires were attached to useful items like stove chimneys and loot; trip-wires on dug-out stairs were connected to bundles of hand-grenades. On some roads, heavy-artillery shells were buried with contact-fuzes, which would only be triggered by the weight of a lorry. British engineers and tunnelling companies scoured areas as they were occupied and disabled many of the explosives. ⇒ワイヤーは、ストーブや戦利品のような役に立つ品物類に取り付けられた。待避壕階段上の仕掛け線が手榴弾の山に接続された。若干の道路面には、トラックの重さによってのみ引き起こされる接触起爆装置付き重砲弾が埋設された。英国軍が占拠したとき、工兵とトンネリング（坑道係）中隊が地域を捜索し、爆薬の多くを無効にした。
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The British tunnellers had gained an advantage over the German miners by the Autumn of 1916, which virtually ended the German underground threat. The British turned to digging 12 subways about 25 ft (7.6 m) down, to the front line, the longest tunnel being 1,883 yd (1,722 m) long of the 10,500 yd (9,600 m) dug. In one sector, four Tunnelling companies of 500 men each, worked around-the-clock in 18-hour shifts for two months to dig 12 mi (20 km) of subways for foot traffic, tramways with rails for hand-drawn trolleys and a light railway system. Most tunnels were lit by electricity, accommodated telephone cables and some had trams and water supplies. Caverns were dug into the sides for brigade and battalion HQs, first aid posts and store-rooms. The subways were found to be a most efficient way to relieve troops in the line, form up for the attack and then to evacuate wounded. Some of the tunnels were continued into Russian saps with exits in mine craters in no man's land and new mines were laid. Galleries were dug to be opened after the attack for communication or cable trenches, the work being done by the 172nd, 176th, 182nd and 185th Tunnelling companies (Lieutenant-Colonel G. C. Williams, Controller of Mines First Army).
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. A replica was built at Merlimont and a detachment of tanks under Major Bingham rehearsed on it, using "shoes" on the tank tracks and special detachable steel ramps carried by the tanks, until they could climb the wall. In experiments on the Thames estuary, the pontoons performed exceptionally well, riding out very bad weather and being easier to manoeuvre than expected, suggesting that they could be used again after the initial assault, to land reinforcements. Night landings were also practised, with wire stretched between buoys to guide the pontoons to within 100 yards (91 m) of their landing place. In the period after Operation Strandfest, 52 Squadron Royal Flying Corps (RFC) and the Fourth Balloon Wing, developed a III Wing practice of co-operation during artillery observation, by having balloon observers direct preliminary ranging, until shells were landing close to a target, then handing over to the aeroplane observer for the final corrections of aim. When the air observer had ranged the guns, the balloon observer took over again. The new method economised on aircrew and had the advantage of telephone communication between the ground and the balloon, since aircraft wireless could only transmit. Air co-operation with Royal Engineer sound ranging was also practised. A line of microphones were connected to a receiving station further back and activated by a forward observer. Air observers routinely sent "NF" by wireless and a position report when German batteries were seen to be firing and since German shelling often cut off the ground observer from contact with the rear, the sound-ranging station was equipped with a wireless receiver and used receipt of "NF", to activate the sound ranging apparatus.
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A 2nd Division battalion was ordered to prepare a raid for the night of 4/5 February. The raiding-party was to have two officers and 60 men and stretcher-bearers, for an attack on a salient at the junction of Guard and Desire Support trenches, to take prisoners or documents, destroy machine-guns, study the state of the trenches and the way the Germans were holding the line. Stokes mortars were to be used for bombardment but no artillery was to be fired before the raid; when it began the artillery was to fire a box barrage, to isolate the objective. White suits were provided, in case of snow on the ground and all means of identification were to be removed by the raiders, who were told to give name, rank and number only if captured. A deputy was to be chosen to take over if the raid leader became a casualty.
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An assembly trench was dug 150 yards (140 m) from the German front line, in three hours on the night of 30/31 May, complete with communication trenches and barbed wire. Bridges and ladders were delivered in the two days before the attack. 13,000 yards (12,000 m) of telephone cable was dug in at least 7 feet (2.1 m) deep, which withstood fifty German artillery hits before the British attack. Large numbers of posts from which machine-guns were to fire an overhead barrage were built and protective pits were dug for mules, which were to carry loads of 2,000 rounds of ammunition to advanced troops. Three field companies of engineers with a pioneer battalion were kept in reserve, to follow up the attacking infantry and rebuild roads and work on defensive positions as ground was consolidated. The artillery in support of the division devised a creeping and standing barrage plan and time-table, tailored to the estimated rates of advance of the infantry units. The standing barrage lifts were to keep all trenches within 1,500 yards (1,400 m) of the infantry under continuous fire and targets fired on by 4.5-inch howitzer, 6-inch howitzer and 8-inch howitzers were to change from them only when infantry got within 300 yards (270 m). The 18-pounder field gun standing barrages would then jump over the creeping barrages, to the next series of objectives. The concealed guns of the Guards Division field artillery were to join the creeping barrage for the advance at 4:50 a.m. and at 7:00 a.m. the 112th Army Field Brigade was to advance to the old front line, to be ready for an anticipated German counter-attack by 11:00 a.m. The 47th Division planned to attack with two brigades, each reinforced by a battalion from the reserve brigade, along either side of the Ypres–Comines Canal.
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The Battle Zone was also usually organised in three defensive systems, front, intermediate and rear, connected by communication trenches and switch lines, with the defenders concentrated in centres of resistance rather than in continuous lines. About 36 of the 110 infantry and pioneer battalions of the Fifth Army held the Forward Zone. Artillery, trench mortars and machine-guns were also arranged in depth, in positions chosen to allow counter-battery fire, harassing fire on transport routes, fire on assembly trenches and to be able to fire barrages along the front of the British positions at the first sign of attack. Artillery positions were also chosen to offer cover and concealment, with alternative positions on the flanks and to the rear. About 2⁄3 of the artillery was in the Battle Zone, with a few guns further forward and some batteries were concealed and forbidden to fire before the German offensive began. The Germans chose to attack the sector around St. Quentin taken over by the British from February–April 1917, following the German withdrawal to the Hindenburg Line. Germany had begun construction of the Siegfried Stellung (Hindenburg Line) in September 1916, during the battle of the Somme. It stretched over 500 km (300 mi) from the Channel to the Moselle River and was built by Belgian and Russian prisoners of war. The strongest section was the salient at St. Quentin between Arras and Soissons. The line was 1.5 km (1 mi) deep with barbed wire in zig-zag lines of 15 m (50 ft), protecting three lines of trenches, interconnecting tunnels and strong points. In the rear were deep underground bunkers known as stollen (galleries) and artillery was hidden on reverse slopes. The Germans withdrew to this line in an operation codenamed Alberich over five weeks, during which time German High Command ordered a scorched earth policy. The ground abandoned in the retreat was laid waste, wells were poisoned, booby-traps laid and most towns and villages were destroyed. The attacking armies were spread along a 69-kilometre (43 mi) front between Arras, St. Quentin and La Fère. Ludendorff had assembled a force of 74 divisions, 6,600 guns, 3,500 mortars and 326 fighter aircraft, divided between the 17th Army (Otto von Below), 2nd Army (Georg von der Marwitz) of Heeresgruppe Kronprinz Rupprecht (Army Group Rupprecht of Bavaria) and the 18th Army (General Oskar von Hutier), part of Heeresgruppe Deutscher Kronprinz (Army Group German Crown Prince) and the 7th Army.
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The Franco-British attack on 9 May had been on a front of 16 mi (25 km) and in June three supporting attacks were planned by the French Second, Sixth and Seventh armies, along with an attack by the British near Zillebeke in Flanders. The preliminary bombardment was due to begin on 13 June and XXI Corps was to attack from the Lorette Spur towards Bois de Givenchy, XX Corps was to complete the capture of Neuville and the Labyrnthe and XXIII Corps was shifted slightly north to attack Souchez, Château Carleul, Côte 119 and Givenchy-en-Gohelle. IX Corps was moved from the northern boundary of the Tenth Army and placed between XXXIII Corps and XX Corps to take Vimy Ridge. During minor attacks in early June, the IX Corps divisions had gained little success and in one attack the infantry went to ground and refused to continue, which if repeated would leave the XXXIII Corps vulnerable to another advance into a salient. The artillery preparation was carefully observed from the front line and IX Corps troops were issued flares to signal to the artillery, who reported a highly accurate bombardment, particularly on the 5 Chemins crossroads and a derelict mill, which were the principal German defensive works opposite. On 15 June the commander of the 17th Division on the right of the IX Corps, wrote to General Curé, the corps commander, that preparations were incomplete and had not conformed to Note 5779, leaving the jumping-off trenches 200–300 metres (220–330 yd) from the German front line, rather than the 160 yd (150 m) or fewer laid down and that the infantry were already exhausted. In the rest of the Tenth Army the situation was the same, with infantry being set to hours of digging under German counter-bombardments. It was also discovering that the accuracy of French artillery-fire, was not sufficient make it effective. An attack on 13 June, by a regiment of the 70th Division on the sugar refinery, captured a small length of the German front trench, where they were bombarded by French artillery. An attack on 14 June took another short length of trench but the regiment had to be relieved by part of the 13th Division during the night of 15/16 June. Reports from the IX and XX corps on the southern flank, described accurate French artillery fire and XXI Corps on the Lorette Spur had a commanding view of German defences. Maistre the corps commander, had made artillery observation a specialist role for trained men, who kept close to the infantry to ensure efficient liaison. It was soon discovered that the Germans had put barbed wire 55 yd (50 m) in front of the front line, rather than just in front and special bombardments were fired to cut the wire, after which patrols went forward to check the results, despite German counter-bombardments. On the 43rd Division front, it was discovered that field artillery was only shifting the barbed wire around and not damaging cheveaux de frise but modern 155mm guns were used in time to create several gaps in the wire.
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German strategy had given priority to offensive operations against France and a defensive posture against Russia since 1891. German planning was determined by numerical inferiority, the speed of mobilisation and concentration and the effect of the vast increase of the power of modern weapons. Frontal attacks were expected to be costly and protracted, leading to limited success, particularly after the French and Russians modernised their fortifications on the frontiers with Germany. Alfred von Schlieffen Chief of the Imperial German General Staff (Oberste Heeresleitung OHL) from 1891–1906 devised a plan to evade the French frontier fortifications, with an offensive on the northern flank which would have a local numerical superiority and obtain rapidly a decisive victory. By 1898–1899 such a manoeuvre was intended to rapidly pass through Belgium, between Antwerp and Namur and threaten Paris from the north.
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With the coming of the night the Allied fire was significantly reduced in intensity which gave a chance to the defenders to repair part of the inflicted damage. At 6:00 On 6 of May the Allied artillery renewed its bombardment and continued in the same manner as the day before throughout the entire day. This time however the Italians, French and Russians also sent patrols to check the effect of the bombardment on the Bulgarian-German lines and test the strength of the fortifications. The Bulgarians and Germans managed to hold off their attempts to close on the lines by strong infantry and artillery fire. On this day the Central Powers artillery took a more active part in the battle and often engaged in counter-infantry and counter-battery work with the help of German reconnaissance planes. By the end of the day the Allied artillery once again reduced the intensity of its fire. In the morning on 7 of May the Allies renewed their bombardment once again. On this day the barrage was even more powerful than the previous days and the Italian and French guns fired more than 15,000 shells on the lines of the Bulgarian 2/2nd Infantry Brigade alone. Stronger reconnaissance patrols were dispatched but were once again held of by the Bulgarians and Germans, who answered with sending their own patrols to determine weather the Allies were preparing for a major infantry attack. The results of the three-day artillery barrage proved unsatisfactory and General Grossetti decided that it should be continued on the 8 of May with the help of four observation balloons. The day for the main infantry attack was finally set for the 9 of May.
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Joffre had accepted claims by Castelnau, that up to 6.2–7.5 mi (10–12 km) of ground could be gained in twenty-four hours and rejected a methodical battle, which ... would entail a month of combat, with a maximum expenditure of ammunition; at what point would we be able to declare ourselves ready for attack? — Joseph Joffre Ammunition necessary for a methodical battle did not exist and the opportunity to attack the Germans, when so many divisions had been moved to the eastern front, could not be wasted. The offensive had been fought with unprecedented refinements of tactics and supply. Amendments to Note 5779 were suggested, to cover items like the use of 23,000 hand grenades in two days by the 53rd Division and the importance of attention to detail; Pétain of XXXIII Corps had ensured accurate preparatory bombardments and the tactical reflections written by Pétain were added to the thinking in Note 5779. The ideal characteristics of a network of jumping-off trenches and the time and labour necessary to build it were laid down, so that troops could advance simultaneously and reserve troops could be protected as they moved forward. Pétain wrote the plan for the Groupe d'armées du Centre, for the offensive of 25 September and his views were circulated through the French and British armies. The autumn offensive was fought as a breakthrough attempt, with changes to avoid the mistakes made in Artois in May and had significant tactical success but did not achieve a breakthrough, which led to the adoption of limited attacks in 1916. Krause wrote that the formulation Note 5779 showed that the French command system, was staffed by men who tried to improve the performance of the army and contradicts claims by Gudmundsson, that the Allied armies were too centralised to adapt. Lessons had been collected, analysed and distributed in a manner which combined top-down and bottom-up processes. A flaw in Note 5779, was persistence with a concept of rapid breakthrough, even after many soldiers considered that the war had become a siege and that none of the French offensives of 1915, had been intended to return to mobile warfare. Changes made to the plan for the Second Battle of Artois, had been intended to secure the capture Vimy Ridge as a jumping-off point, rather than to achieve a breakthrough and return to mobile warfare. In the autumn offensive which began on 25 September, with the Third Battle of Artois, Battle of Loos and the Second Battle of Champagne, the strategy was intended to make the Noyon salient untenable and regain a large portion of the occupied territories. Tactics used in the battles of May and June were revised and the creeping barrage became a standard method in all the Western Front armies.
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